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XLbc IbahluiPt Society. 






No. III. 

'^^ OF THK ' 





















Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pre^. le.G.S., Frksidknt. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley of Aluerley, Vice-President. 

Rear-Aumiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.H. , Vice-President. 

C. Raymond Beazley, M.A. 

Colonel G. Earl Church. 

Sir Martin Conway. 

Albert Gray. 

F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D. 

Edward Heawood, M.A. 

Dudley F. A. Hervey, C.M.G. 

Admiral Sir Anthony H. Hoskins, G.C. B. 

J. Scott Keltie, LL.D. 

F. W. Lucas. 

A. P. Maudslay. 

M.\jOR M. Nathan, C.M.G. , R.E. 

E. J. Payne, M.A. 

E. G. Ravenstein. 

Howard Saunders. 

H. W. Trinder. 

Charles Welch, F.S.A. 

William Foster, B.A. , Honorary Secrctarv. 



LTHOUGH its actual results were in- 
significant, the voyage of Robert Dudley 
to the West Indies in 1594 is neverthe- 
less an interesting one. It witnessed the 
earliest recorded English attempt to 
occupy Trinidad and ascend the Orinoco; 
it reflected in a marked degree, and 
especially from the extreme youth of its leader, the adven- 
turous spirit of the time ; and, above all, it was the starting- 
point in the active career of a remarkable man. 

The romantic element which is so strong in Dudley's 
life began with the circumstances of his birth, and no 
account of him can wholly ignore the vexed question of 
his legitimacy. When this voyage, however, was under- 
taken, the question had never been seriously raised. If it 
had not been started in the scurrilous pamphlet generally 
known as Leicester s Commonwealth,^ it would, perhaps, 
never have been heard of; but, although the charges there 
made were published as early as 1584, twenty years elapsed 
before they were taken up, when the whole tenor of Dudley's 

1 The copie of a leter wry ten by a Master oj Arte of Cambrige to his 
friend in London . . . about the present state and some proccdinges of 
the Erie of Lcycester and Ids friendes i?i E/igland, etc. [Antwerp ?], 
1584. It was attributed, but on no good grounds, to Robert Parsons, 
the Jesuit. The title Leycestcr's Coinniomueallh was given to it when 
it was republished at London in 1641. 


life was changed by his futile attempt to prove them. Any 
discussion therefore of the subject may be deferred till 
later on ; and meanwhile it will be enough to give briefly 
what is known of him down to the time when he earned an 
honourable place among the maritime adventurers of the 
reign of Elizabeth. 

Of his parentage there was never any doubt, for he was 
acknowledged from birth to be the son of Robert Dudley, 
Earl of Leicester, by Douglas, widow of John Sheffield, 
second Lord Sheffield. His mother, who married about 
1562, at the age of seventeen, was a Howard, daughter of 
William, first Lord Howard of Effingham, and grand- 
daughter of Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk.^ Though 
some years younger, she was thus first cousin once 
removed to the Queen, whose mother, Anne Boleyn, was 
a granddaughter of the same Duke through an earlier wife. 
Lord Sheffield died in December, 1568 ; and, if the pamphlet 
above named can be trusted, Leicester was suspected of 
having caused him to be poisoned. Gervase Holies in his 
account of his own family- tells a still darker story, which 
makes out that Lady Sheffield was a party to the plot for 
her husband's death. This was written as late as 1658, 
and is only worth mention because it seems to have come 
from a sister of Lord Sheffield, who married Denzil Holies, 
grand-uncle to Gervase, and is said to have herself detected 
the plot, though too late to save her brother's life, by pick- 
ing up a letter from Leicester dropped by her sister-in-law. 
The earliest strictly contemporary record, however, in 
which the names of Robert Dudley's parents are coupled 
is a letter from Gilbert Talbot to his father, the Earl of 

^ Sec an account of her in Miscellanea Gencalogica et Heraldica, 
New .Series, ill, 1880, p. 368. 

- The original MS. is at LongleAt (I'ortland Papers, vol. xxiv) ; but 
the story was printed by A. Collins in his Historical Collections of the 
Noble Families of Cavendish^ Holies, Vere, Harlev, and OgL\ 1752, 
P- 77- 


Shrewsbiir}-. dated May I ith, 1573.^ After referring to 
Leicester's favour with the Queen and his efforts to please 
her, the writer goes on : " There are two sisters now in the 
Court that are very far in love with him, as they have been 
long, in}- Lady Sheffield and Frances Howard. They 
(of like striving who shall love him better) are at great wars 
together, and the Queen thinketh not well of them and not 
the better of him ; by this means there are spies over him." 
It is clear from this that the writer was unaware of any 
worse scandal five years before ; and it might also be 
argued that, if Lad}- Sheffield was already Leicester's wife, 
or even contracted to him, she might have ended her 
sister's rivalr\- b\- a word, without the necessity for provoking 
Elizabeth's jealousy by a public avowal. The author of 
Robert Dudley's life in the Dictionary oj National Bio- 
graphy gives May, 1573 — the very month in which the 
above letter was written — as the date of his birth, hi this 
he follows another modern biographer-.; but the statement 
is erroneous. Dudley's age was entered as fourteen when he 
matriculated at Oxford on May yVth, 1588,^ and the exact 
date of his birth is given in an authoritative document 
among Lord Bath's MSS. at Longleat.* He is there said 
to have been born at Sheen House, in Surrey, on August 

^ Lodge, Illustrations oj BritisJi History^ etc., ed. 183S, ii, p. 17. 
Fiances Howard married, before June, 1582, Edward Seymour, Earl 
of Hertford. She died, aged forty-four, in 1598, and was therefore 
at this time only nineteen. 

^ G. Adlard, Ainye Robsart aiid the Earl oJ Leyccster . . . together 
-c>.'ith mcijioirs and correspondence of Sir Robert Dudley, 1870, p. 279. 
By an obvious misreading of Dugdale's Warwickshire, ed. 1730, i, 
p. 250, the same writer originated another error, that the alleged 
marriage took place only two days before the child's birth. 

^ Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, 1500-1714. In the Register, as the 
Keeper of the Archives kindly informs me, the day is written in ink, 
"Mail 7''," with " rectius 17''' added in pencil below, the latter no 
doubt merely referring to new style. 

^ "Tymes of thinges necessary to be obserued in this cause," viz. 
the legitimacy case in 1604, evidently prepared for the use of counsel 
(Dudley Papers, Box vi). 



7th, 1574. When he sailed in command of an expedition 
to the West Indies in November, 1594, he was thus actually 
some months under age. The above date also appears in 
a deposition^ of William Clewer, or Cluer, one of Lady 
Sheffield's household, who adds that the child was born " in 
a chamber there {i.e., at Sheen House), called the Duke's 
Chamber." Leicester at the time was in attendance upon 
the Queen in her progress into the West," and Clewer him- 
self carried the news to him at Gloucester, returning in 
time to act as proxy for Sir Henry Lee at the christening, 
the other sponsors, Leicester's brother Ambrose, Earl of 
Warwick, and Lady Dacre being represented by Dr. Julio 
and Mrs. Erisa.^ 

If born in wedlock, the boy was Leicester's heir ; but 
there is some doubt whether he was his first child by 
Lady Sheffield. In Leicester's ConunonwealtJi she is said 
to have given birth to a daughter at Dudley Castle^ in 
Staffordshire, and evidence of this, though the sex is not 
stated, was given in the legitimacy suit in 1604,'^ in 
which it was alleged that the infant died at, or very soon 
after, birth, while the mother was hurried back to Court to 
quiet suspicion. This happened, it is said, eighteen months 
before Robert Dudley's birth ; so that, if the story is true, 

* Dudley Papers at Longleat, Box vii. 

* Nichols, Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, i. She was at Bristol 
August I4th-2ist, 1574 {Ricarfs Kalendar, ed. L. Toulmin Smith, 
Camden Soc, 1872, p. 58). 

^ Avice, daughter and co-heir of William Milliton, of Pengersey, 
wife of Richard Erisa, of Erisa (died 1570), and, in 1600, of Sir 
Nicholas Parker (J. L. Vivian, Visitation of Cornwall, 1887, p. 155). 
In her deposition in 1604, as Lady Parker, she says nothing about the 
actual sponsors being proxies. Ur. Julio was Giulio Borgherini, 
Leicester's Italian physician and the supposed agent in his poisonings. 

■* Dudley Castle belonged, not to Leicester, but to Edward Sutton, 
al. Dudley, Lord Dudley, who married, as his third wife, after 
September, 1569, Mary Howard, Lady Sheffield's sister. 

•' Deposition of Dorothy Dudley (Dudley Papers at Longleat, 
l)Ox vii). It was denied by Lady Sheffield (Answers, June 7th, 1604, 
Dudley Papers at Penshurst). 


the intimacy, whether under contract of marriage or not, 
must have begun at least as early as June, 1572. But 
constanc}- was not one of Leicester's few virtues. When 
his son was little more than an infant, he wearied of Lady 
Sheffield and transferred his roving affections to Lettice, 
Lady Essex. Scandal accused him of an intrigue with 
her while her husband, Walter Dcvereux, first Earl of 
Essex, was serving as Earl Marshal in Ireland ; and on the 
latter's death at Dublin, on September 22nd, 1576, strong 
suspicions of poison were certainly current. Probably they 
were unfounded ^ ; and in any case they did not prevent 
Leicester from marrying Lady Essex at Wanstead on 
September 21st, 1578, just two years later. It is doubtful 
whether he was altogether a free agent ; for, although 
there had been an alleged earlier marriage, the lady's 
father. Sir Francis Knollys, is said to have insisted on the 
ceremony being performed before witnesses in his own 
presence.- But even this marriage, though placed beyond 
doubt, was supposed to be kept secret from fear of the 
Queen, whose fury, when it was revealed to her some 
months later by Simier, the Duke of Anjou's agent, passed 
all bounds. Elizabeth's jealousy no doubt was more for- 
midable than the charge of bigamy, to which, on the 
assumption that he was already married to Lady Sheffield, 
Leicester had rendered himself liable. But, although the 
offence was not yet actually a felony in English law,^ it is 
significant that no steps were taken at the time to assert 
Lady Sheffield's supposed rights. If there had been a 

1 W. B. Devereux, Lives of the Devereux, 1853, 1, p. 146. The 
result of an enquiry instituted by Sir H. Sidney, Lord Deputy of 
Ireland, is printed ty Collins, Sidney Papers, 1746, i, p. 140. As 
Sidney married Leicester's sister, his impartiality might be thought 

2 So Camden, Annales, ed. Leyden, 1639, p. 278. 

^ It was made felony without benefit of clergy, i Jas. I (1603-4), 
cap. 1 1 ; but before this it was subject to action in the ecclesiastical 


good case, she might surely have counted on powerful 
support, for Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, her 
brother, was Lord Chamberlain and in high favour at 
Court, while Leicester's enemies would have been only 
too glad of the chance of bringing him to book. Instead of 
this, to complicate matters still more, she followed his 
example by marrying Edward Stafford, of Chebsey, who 
in 1579 was employed in negotiations in France, and was 
resident ambassador there from October, 1583 (when he 
was knighted), until the end of 1 590.^ The date of this 
marriage has hitherto been in doubt, and injustice has been 
done to her by the assumption that it preceded Leicester's 
marriage with Lady Essex. This is a mistake, for Lord 
Bath's MS. proves that it took place on November 29th, 
1579, more than a year later. The step was a strange one, 
and practically gave away both her own good name and 
her son's birth-right ; nor is the excuse which was after- 
wards made, that she was terrified into it by Leicester's 
plots against her life, by any means convincing. 

When Leicester deserted the mother, he succeeded in 
getting the child into his own hands, and there is no 
reason to doubt his fondness for him.- " Robin Sheffield," 
as he was at first called, is spoken of in 1584 as having 
been " sometime brought up at Newington."^ Probably 

' His wife accompanied him, and made a distinguished figure in the 
Frencli Court {Miscellaneous State Papers^ 1778, i, p. 196). She bore 
him two children, who probably died young (Dudley Papers at 
Penshurst). Stafitbrd died February 5th, 1604-5, ^"f^ Lady Sheffield, 
who retained her courtesy title, in December, 1608. 

- According to Ferd. Heyborne, a former servant of Leicester, the 
Earl •' did to this deponent and unto others in this deponent's 
hearinge verie often tymes discover his love and care he had of the 
said Sir Rob. Dudley and the desire he had to have him receyve good 
usage and educacion," and yet he always styled him "his base 
Sonne and the badge of his synne" (Dudley Papers at Longleat, 
Bo.\ vii). 

^ 77/1? copie of a Icter^ etc. (see above, p. i), 1584, p. 35. According 
to Lady Sheffield, he was called Dudley while with her (Answers, 
June 7lh, 1604, at Penshurst). 


Stoke NewIn_£Tton is meant, the manor-house of which was 
occupied by John Dudley, a kinsman of his father.^ At 
ten years of age he is said to have been at school, or with 
a tutor, at Offington, in Sussex. This place is close to 
Worthing, and it may have been en the open Sussex coast 
that he first imbibed his passionate love for the sea. It has 
recent!}' been stated that his master was Owen Robin,- 
and his attainments were so far out of the common that the 
name would be of some interest, if it were not a mere 
figment. We only know of the boy's stay at Offington 
from one Owen Jones, a witness in the legitimacy case. 
This man, who had been a lackey to Leicester, deposed 
that, while he was attending there on Robert Dudley, 
Leicester, coming once to see his son, commended the 
latter to his care, with the significant words : " Owen, thou 
knowest that Robyn my boy is my lawful son ; and as I 
do and have charg'd thee to keep it secret, so I charge 
thee not to forget it, and therefore see thou be carefull 
of him."^ From this speech Owen Robin the school- 
master has been evolved ! 

Apart from such dubious avowals, Leicester until his 
death seems to have treated the boy consistently as a 
natural son. If he was ever tempted to proclaim him 
legitimate, it may have been after the death of Robert, 
Lord Denbigh, his only child by Lettice, Lady Leicester, 
on July 19th, 1584. By this event he was left without a 
lawful, or acknowledged, heir ; and, as appeared in the 

^ Lysons, Environs of London, iii, p. 281 ; Nichols, Bibl. Topogr. 
Brit., ii, No. 9. He died in December, 1580, but his widow, who in 
1582 married Thomas Sutton, founder of the Charterhouse, continued 
to reside there. 

- Diet. Nat. Biog., from a misreading of Dugdale, IVarwicks/iire, 
ed. 1730, i, p. 250. 

^ So Dugdale ; but Jones in his answers. May 28th, 1604 (Dudley 
Papers at Penshurst), after " lawful son" goes on : " I charge thee be 
carefull^i'of him, and forgett yt not. When tyme serves, he shall 
remember you.'' 


sequel, Robert Dudley's prospects were materially improved 
On May Vrth, 1588, he matriculated at Christ Church 
Oxford, the register describing him briefly as " filius 
comitis," an earl's son. All that is recorded of him while 
there is that he was placed under the charge of the well- 
known Thomas Chaloner,^ and a tutor better fitted to 
develop his peculiar powers could not have been chosen. 
Though not yet thirty, Chaloner had travelled much, 
especially in Italy. He was devoted to scientific pursuits, 
and had a natural talent for invention ; and he even seems 
to have had some knowledge of shipbuilding, for which his 
pupil afterwards became famous. Dudley no doubt owed 
him much ; and even his choice of a refuge in exile in 1605 
was perhaps determined by the same early influence. How 
long he remained at Christ Church, or under Chaloner's 
care, is not known. The year in which he went to Oxford 
was that of the Spanish Armada ; and long after, in the 
preface to his unpublished Direttorio Marittimo, he declared 
that he served as a colonel under his father in the army 
assembled at Tilbury.- Precocious as he was, this is 
incredible ; but he no doubt learnt at this critical time the 
hatred of the Spaniards which finds curious expression in 
one of the narratives of his voyage (p. 31). Personally, he 
was more affected by the death of his father on September 
4th in the same year. Leicester had made his will when at 
Middelburg, in the Netherlands, on August ist, i^'^J? 

^ He was knighted when serving in France in 1591, and on the 
accession of James I was made governor to Henry, Prince of Wales. 
Perhaps his best-known title to fame is his discovery of alum on his 
estate at (iuisborough, co. York, where he opened the first alum works 
in England {Diet. Nat. Biogr.). When Phineas Pett, master-ship- 
wright at Woolwich, was accused of incompetence in 1609, the 
technical questions in dispute were referred to him and another for 
decision (Harley MS. 6279, f. 43). 

2 See the passage quoted below, p, xii. 

' Printed in J. Temple Leader's Life of Sir R. Dudley., Florence, 
1S95, p. 1 59 (where it is wrongly dated 1578). The will was holograph, 


Though he styled Robert Dudley his " base son " through- 
out, he treated him liberally, bequeathing to him, after the 
death of the Earl of Warwick, the bulk of his disposable 
real estate, including the castle and lands of Kenilworth 
and the lordships of Denbigh and Chirk. ^ As Warwick 
died on February 20th, iS^if, it was not long before the 
property devolved upon him, though he had some trouble 
with Lady Leicester and her third husband. Sir Christopher 
Blount.- Evidence has lately come to light at Florence, 
which, if genuine, shows that in 1591 he was contracted to 
Frances Vavasour, a maid of honour to the Oueen.^ It is 
in the form of letters testimonial,-* dated November 3rd, 
1592, recording the fact on the evidence of Captain Thomas 
Jobson, of Colchester, and Thomas Combley, whose names 
are worth noting, as they both sailed with Dudley on his 
voyage. The object of the record is not apparent ; and, as 
a matter of fact, at the time it purports to have been made 

and, according to a deposition of Ralph Moore, one of Leicester's 
household, was in his keeping until the Earl's death, when he handed 
it over to Lady Leicester (Dudley Papers at Longleat, Box vii). 
The term " base son" could hardly have been inspired therefore, as 
has been suggested, by the latter. 

1 If we can believe Charles Paget, Leicester had a design to marry 
his " bastard '" to Arabella Stuart, which was frustrated by his death 
{Cal. State Papers^ Addenda 1 580-1625, p. 270). 

- In Acts of the Privy Council, xix, 1899, p. 82, there is a strongly- 
worded letter from the Council, April 26th, 1590, to Sir Fulk Greville 
and others, to defend his rights at Kenilworth against Blount's forcible 
entry. Lord Chancellor Hatton and Lord Admiral Howard, Dudley's 
uncle, are named in it as two of his trustees. 

3 She was daughter of Henry Vavasour, of Copmanthorpe, co. 
York, and it was she no doubt, and not her sister Anne, of whom it 
was written in 1590: "Our new maid, Mrs. Vavasour, flourisheth 
like the lily and the rose" (Lodge, Illustrations, 1838, ii, p. 423). 
Anne had, in fact, joined the Court before 1584 [Copie of a leter, etc., 
p. 38). Thomas Sherley married Frances before September 21st, 
1591, for he had for his audacity been fourteen weeks in the Marshal- 
sey on December 28th, when he wrote an appeal to Burghley ( T/ie 
Sherley Brothers, 1848, p. 7 ; E. P. Shirley, Steinmata Shirleiatia, 
1873, P- 266). 

■• Printed in J. T. Leader's Life of Sir R. Dudley, p. 166. 


Frances Vavasour had been married for more than a year 
to the eldest of the famous three Sherley brothers, Thomas 
Sherley, who got into trouble with the Queen in conse- 
quence. Altogether the document, which is not an original, 
is suspicious ; and it is perhaps a forgery, concocted by, or 
for, Dudley in Italy, when he was trying to induce the 
Pope to annul his marriage with Alice Leigh on the ground 
of pre-contract. There is less reason to question his mar- 
riage with a sister,^ or perhaps a cousin, of Thomas Caven- 
dish, the circumnavigator, though little definite is known 
about it. The first hint of it is given in a letter of October 
27th, 1 591,"- in which we read : " Mr. Dudley is forbidden 
the Court for kissing Mrs. Candishe in the presence, being 
his wife as is said." Neither the lady's Christian name nor 
the date of the marriage is recorded. If she was sister to 
Thomas Cavendish, as Dugdale states, she was a daughter 
of William Cavendish, of Grimston Hall, Trimley St. 
Martin, Suffolk ; and it is clear from the Cavendish pedi- 
gree and the extracts from the Trimley parish register in 
Davy's " Suffolk Collections"^ that she was either Anne, 
baptized October 30th, 1562, or Elizabeth, baptized July 
28th, 1567, the younger even of whom was seven years 
older than Dudley. On the other hand, in a deposition 
made in 1604 one Thomas Denny* mentions incidentally 
that he was Dudley's brother-in-law. According to Davy, 
this Thomas Denny, who was of Bawdsey or Mendlesham, 
married Beatrice, daughter of Richard Cavendish the author, 
of Hornsey, a younger brother of William. Dudley's wife 

1 Dugdale, Baronage^ ii, p. 225. See also a letter of Lotti, the 
Florentine Agent, in 1607 (Leader, p. 172). 

''■ Calendar of Hatfield MSS.^ pt. iv, 1892, p. 153. 

3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 19,122, f. 350, 19,087, f. 131. Thomas 
Cavendish, the j'ear of whose birth is left uncertain in the Diet. Nat. 
Bioi^r.., was baptised at Trimley, September 19th, 1560. 

■* Dudley Papers at Loui^leat, Box vi, f. 46: "because I married the 
sister of Sir Rob. Dudley his first wife." 


therefore seems to have been, not a sister, but a first cousin 
of the circumnavigator. In this case, however, she brought 
him into a closer connection with Richard Hakluyt, whose 
first wife was Douglas Cavendish, another daughter of 
Richard.^ Whoever she really was, and whenever the 
marriage took place, she could not have long survived, 
for Dudley, as will be seen, married again in or before 
1597. Although Thomas Cavendish's example was no 
doubt a potent factor in directing his mind to maritime 
adventure, any personal intercourse came to a speedy end 
when Cavendish started on his last fatal voyage on August 
26th, 1 591. He died at sea in May or June, 1592; and 
some intimate connection between them is evident from 
the fact that Dudle)' took out letters of administration for 
his estate, a Council warrant"' of March i8th, 1593, direct- 
ing the delivery to him of the Leicester and Roebuck, two of 
the ships which returned from the voyage. The first name, 
indeed, rather suggests that he had a share in the venture, 
and it is possible therefore that he was merely acting as a 

Dudley was now approaching manhood. Young, hand- 
some and accomplished, with a romantic history and a 
good, though no doubt encumbered, estate, he evidently 
made a brilliant figure in Elizabeth's Court. The miniature 
portrait of him by Nicholas Hilliard, which is here repro- 
duced as a frontispiece,^ apparently shows him as he was 

^ Though Hakluyt's biographers mention this first wife, none of 
them states who she was. Her name, " Duglasse," is given in the entry 
of her burial, August 8th, 1597, in the Register of Wetheringsett, co. 
Suffolk, of which he was vicar (Add. MS. 19,090, i. 248). 

^ Adlard, op. cit., p. 282, from the Privy Council Register. The 
fact is also stated by Thomas Warde, one of his counsel on the occa- 
sion (Answers, May 3rd, 1604, Dudley Papers at Penshurst). 

■* The original was formerly at Penshurst. A plate from it, engraved 
by J. Brown from a copy made by the well-known artist G. P. 
Harding, was published among W^Ydm^'s Atidetit Hislorical Ficlurcs, 
1844, etc., and again in T. Moule's Porti'aits 0/ Illustrious Persons, 


a few years later. The classical passage descriptive of him 
is from Sir William Dugdale^ : " He was a person of stature 
tall and comely, also strong, valiant, famous at the exercise 
of tilting,"' singularly skill'd in all mathematick learning, 
but chiefl}' in navigation and architecture, a rare chymist, 
and of great knowledge of physic." Anthony Wood's 
account of him, which was partly derived from his son 
Carlo in 1673,13 on similar lines'': " This Robert Dudley 
. . . was a compleat gentleman in all suitable employments, 
an exact seaman, a good navigator, an excellent architect, 
mathematician, physician, chymist and what not. He was 
a handsome, personable man, tall of stature, red hair'd, and 
of admirable comport, and above all noted for riding the 
great horse, for tilting, and for his being the first of all that 
taught a dog to sit in order to catch partridges." These 
accounts of course refer to his maturity, but they show 
what must have been the promise of his early prime. In 
his Direttorio Marittimo he himself explains how he came 
to be devoted to naval affairs. " Suffice it to say," he 
writes, addressing the Grand Duke of Tuscany, "that he 
is nephew of three Grand Admirals of England," and that 
he had from his youth a natural sympathy for the sea, and 
this in spite of his having in 1588 held the very honorable 

1869. The collotype here is taken from a proof-copy of this plate in 
the IJritish Museum. There is a strong likeness to the poet Shelley 
(see Diet. Nat. Biogr.)., which was first pointed out, I believe, by 
Dr. R. Garnett. 

1 Antiquities of Warwickshire (1656), 2nd ed. 1730, i. p. 252. 
Dugdale was born in 1605, the year in which Dudley left England, 
and he could never have seen him personally. Lotti, the Florentine 
Agent, describes Dudley in 1605 as " di giusta statura et di barba 
bionda, et molto gentile in apparenza" (Leader, p. 177). 

'•^ At hence Oxonienses^ ed. Bliss, 18 13- 1820, iii, col. 260. Dudley's 
life was not in the first edition (1691-2), but was added in the second 

^ He means his two grandfathers, John Dudley, Duke of North- 
umberland, and William Howard, Lord Howard of Effingham, and 
his uncle, Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, afterwards Earl of 
Nottingham. The word translated "nephew" is no doubt the 
ambiguous " nipote " in the Italian. 

PREFACE. xiii 

post of Colonel in the land forces, which he exercised 
under the command of his father, the General-in-Chief and 
Grand Master of England. He determined at any cost to 
enter the marine army, on which at that time the reputation 
and greatness of England depended. He had also a great 
desire to discover new countries. Therefore from the age 
of seventeen he gave himself to the study of navigation 
and of marine discipline and war ; in fact, he wanted to 
blend naval command together with military emprise by 
land, in India and other parts to which navigation should 
take him. Therefore he built and manned ships of war, in 
which he sought to place the best pilots that were to 
be found, and in whose great knowledge and experience he 
trusted implicitly. One, the famous mariner Abram 
Kendal,^ might be called his master ; from him he learned 
enough navigation for an Admiral. ""-^ 

The first project conceived in his restless brain was to 
emulate Drake and Cavendish by penetrating into the 
South Seas. For a young man barely twenty years of 
age, with no experience of the sea, and with the fate of 
Cavendish's last venture before his eyes, it certainly showed 
no lack of self-confidence. Unfortunately, however, he 
reckoned without the Queen. When his preparations were 
well advanced, she issued her veto, and he was forced to 
be content with the shorter and less hazardous voyage here 
narrated, of which he speaks in an amusing tone of 
depreciation, as too commonplace to be worth recording. 
Three independent accounts of it have come down to us, 
all of which are included in this volume. Practically, it has 
hitherto only been known from his own brief and matter- 

^ See below, p. xv. 

- J. Temple Leader's Life oj Sir R. Dudley^ Florence, 1895, p. 32, 
where the passage is ti^anslated as above. The original MS. of the 
work in Italian, mostly in Dudley's autograph, is in Mr. Leader's 
own possession {ib.^ p. 19;. 


of-fact narrative, reprinted here from Hakluyt's Voyages ; 
and even this seems to have been hardly extracted from 
him by its editor's importunity. As there is an evident 
allusion in it (p. yi) to Ralegh's Discoverie of Guiana, it 
must have been written after the publication of that work 
in the spring of 1 596' ; but there is no other indication to 
fix its precise date. 

Almost every particular in it is confirmed and amplified 
by the fuller and more graphic narrative which begins the 
volume, and which is now printed for the first time.- This 
is contained in Sloane MS. 358 in the British Museum, 
a small quarto of thirty-six paper leaves, written in a con- 
temporary hand, but apparently not autograph. Though 
seemingly addressed to some person in authority, who is 
styled " Right Honorable" (p. 54), it is anonymous in 
form. The writer, however, more than once betrays his 
identity, and there can be no doubt that he was Captain 
Wyatt, the "old and discreet souldier,"as he styles himself, 
who commanded Dudley's " main battle of pike." A 
curious instance of his forgetfulness in abruptly changing 
from the third to the first person will be found on p. 50, 
where he tells us how "Wyatt" was ordered to put some 
Spanish prisoners on shore, and how they complained of 
his harsh treatment. In his anxiety to clear himself, he 
then goes on : " and yeat I protest before God I used them 
in such sorte as, if my fortune weare to be towched with 
the like miserie or punnishment ... I would wish to be 
see delt withall." It is not so easily determined who this 
Capt. Wyatt was, and unfortunately he does not even 
mention his Christian name ; but he may have been the 
Capt. Thomas Wyatt who was Commissary of Musters at 

1 It was entered at Stationers' Hall, March 15th, I595[6], by Robert 
Robinson (Arber, Transcr. of Stat. Hall Rc^., ill, p. 9). 

'^ A few extracts from it were ^iven in G. L. Craik's Romance of llic 
Peerage^ 1S49, iii, p. 105. 


Bcrgcn-op-Zoom in 1589, and again in Kent in 1595, and 
who was at the head of one hundred men out of Kent in 
the Cadiz expedition of 1596, in which Dudley also had a 
command.^ He was evidently a landsman, and on his first 
long voyage ; and, to judge from his scraps of Latin and 
references to classical authors, he had some pretensions to 
scholarship. In general he writes simply and naturall}-, 
and most of his narrative is decidedly good reading. Now 
and then, however, as when he dilates on the terrible 
storms which the voyagers encountered, there is more 
striving after effect, with a tendency, it ma}' be thought, 
to become bombastic. His grammar moreover is, to say 
the least, peculiar, but for its worst faults the copyist is 
perhaps responsible. Much of the matter appears to have 
been written down from day to day, and has the freshness 
of a journal ; and among other strong points are the 
writer's evident sincerity and his loyalty to his youthful 
leader, whose impulsive, chivalrous character is brought out 
much more clearly than in his own sober account of the 

The third and shortest narrative has had a curious 
history. It is more strictly nautical in character than the 
other two ; but although mainly a Portulano or Ruttier, 
recording the variations of the course pursued on the 
voyage, it includes other matter of less technical interest. 
Its writer was Abraham, or Abram, Kendall, from whom, as 
we have already seen (p. xiii), Dudley learned the art of 
navigation, and who now joined him as his chief pilot or 
master. Wyatt, no less than Dudley, speaks highly of his 
skill ; he describes him moreover as " cxcellinge all others 
in his profession as a rare scholler, a most selldome thinge 
in a maryner." At the same time, Kendall was clearh' not 

1 Brit. Mus. Lansdowne MS. 62, art. 47 ; Calendar of Hatfield 
A/SS., pt. V, pp. 240, 525, pt. vi, p. 206. 


popular on board : for when Dudley, as he tells us (p. 73), 
was eager to ascend the Orinoco in person, the men who 
were to be left behind mutinied against his going, since the\" 
" feared the villany of Abraham Kendal, who would b\- no 
meanes go." Only three months after their return to 
England he joined Drake's last expedition, which sailed on 
Aug. 28th, 1595, and he died on board the Saker, off Porto 
Bello, on the same day as Drake himself, January 28th, 
1596 (p. 14, note). His account of Dudley's voyage was 
found among the papers he had with him when he died. 
Afterwards, perhaps by will with the rest of his effects, it 
came into Dudley's own hands, and an Italian version of it 
was printed by him fifty years later, as the second of the 
Portulani included in Book II of his famous work UArcano 
del Mare, an account of which will be found further on. 
As no trace of the original can now be found, this Italian 
version has here been translated back into English ; but 
there is too much reason to believe that in some places, 
as on p. 87, Dudley garbled his text, so as to magnify in 
later life the exploits of his youth. In \.\\q Arcaiio del M are 
he uniformly mentions Kendall in laudatory terms, coupling 
him with the better-known Capt. John Davis as the two 
ablest and most learned seamen England had ever pro- 
duced.^ He introduces him again in an interesting chapter 
on diseases at sea and their prevention.- He there attri- 
butes to his care and observance of sanitary rules the fact 
that on this voyage only one man was lost by sickness, 
adding that on another occasion, when in command of the 
McrcluDit Royal of London, he cured his crew of scurvy in 
Saldanha Bay in less than a month, and brought them 
safely home. As we learn elsewhere, this occurred in 1591, 

' " Questo capitano ed Abiam Kendal . . . erono i piu valenti e dotti 
niarinari che habbia mai hauuto la corona d'lnghilterra, ed erono 
valcntissimi matematici e filosofi" (vol. i, 111), ii, p. 51). 

- Arc. del Marc, lib. iii, p. 31. See also Wyatt's remarks, p. 53. 

PREFACE. xvii 

when the Merchant Royal was one of the three vessels 
which sailed on the first English voyage to the East Indies.^ 
Only one of them, the Edward Bonavcnture, of which we 
shall hear again, reached her destination. Except in the 
Arcano del Mare and in connection with the voyages 
already mentioned, Kendall's name does not appear to have 
been preserved ; but there is a curious passage in the 
Preface to Edward Knight's Certaine Errors in Navigation, 
1599. which almost certainly refers to him, though his name 
is suppressed. It is worth giving at length, if only as 
recording his opinion of Drake's knowledge of navigation, 
and is as follows : — 

" It is not vnknowne to some of good place and 

reckoning that one of the skilfullest nauigators (as he was by 
many accounted) of our time and nation, who died in Sir 
Frauncis Drakes last voyage, when he came to that extremitie of 
sicknesse that he saw there was no other way but one with him, 
was reported to haue gathered and bound together into a bundell 
all his nautical notes and obseruations, and to haue cast them 
into the sea. But soone after, notwithstanding that foresaid 
report, there came more comfortable newes by a Captaine that 
was familiarly acquainted and conuersant with him in that 
voyage and during the whole time of his sicknesse, in whose armes 
also he died ; who mouing some speach vnto him touching 
something of Sir Frauncis Drakes that might then after his death 
be looked for to be brought to light, concerning nauigation : 
'Tush (saith he), for that matter there is not much to be 
looked for at his hands, hee had little skill in that art.' 'Why ? 
and will your self then do any thing ? ' quoth that Captaine. 
VVherupon this great nauigator drewe forth a booke out of his 

1 Barker, in his account of the voyage, writes : " We left behind [in 
Saldanha Bay] 50 men with the Roiall Afarchanf, whereof there were 
many pretty well recovered, of which ship was master and governour 
Abraham Kendal, which for many reasons we thought good to send 
home" ( Voyages of Sir James lAincaster^ Kt., ed. C. R. Markham, 
Hakl. Soc, 1877, p. 4). In May's account (ib., p. 24) Samuel Foxcroft 
is named as captain ; but Kendall had perhaps succeeded him. On 
his way back, he left a man on St. Helena, who was taken off eighteen 
months later by the Eihvard Bonaventtire (ib., p. 17). 


bosome, and deliiicred it vnto this Captaine not long before his 
death. This booke was shewed by the same Captaine to the 
R. Honourable the L. high Admirall of England in the Cales 
voyage, as being made by that famous nauigator, which his Lord- 
ship also (as it was reported) thought good should be perused and 
published. These newes moued some expectation of that booke, 
so as the right Honourable and my very good Lord the Earle of 
Cumberland hearing of it was desirous also to haue a sight 
thereof and remembred me vnto that Captaine, as one not in- 
sufficient to peruse and correct the same. And hereupon the 
booke was brought vnto his Lordship at the time and place 
appointed at Westminster, and was there also deliuered vnto me, 
to be perused and corrected. Hauing therefor opened it, & 
beginning a litle to turne ouer the leaues, to take some generall 
view what matter niought be conteyned therein, I first espied a 
Diagramme, the like whereof I knewe verie well I had made in a 
booke of mine. And herewithall I was the more moued to see 
if there were any more that I could know as well as the former ; 
turning ouer therefor two or three leaues more, I presently espied 
another Diagramme also, wherewith I was as well acquainted as 
with the former; for I found not onely the very same Diagramme, 
but (that which made me the more to maruaile for the present) 
folowing also in the same order as I well remembred it did in my 
booke. Being therefor yet more earnestly stirred vp hereat, and 
wondering what the reason mought be that we should thus agree, 
I betooke my self to the reading of that booke. And looking 
first vpon the first leafe thereof, and afterwardes in many other 
places, I found it euerywhere to agree with mine, and to be a 
copie of the same booke worde for worde which I made and pre- 
sented vnto his Lordship almost seuen yeares before, as the next 
morning it plainly appeared both to his Lordship and to the 
Captaine himself that brought it, by comparing it in all poynts 
with the originall exemplar of the same booke, which I then 
brought vnto his Lordship." 

We thus have the .story of Dudley's voyage from three 
points of view, as told by himself, by his chief pilot, and 
by one of the captains of his fighting force. When it 
started, the expedition consisted of four vessels, all of 


which were apparentl)' fitted out at his own expense. The 
largest, or admiral, commanded b)- him in person, was the 
Bear, or, as VV)'att for some reason calls her, the Peregrhie. 
Her size is given by Dudley as 200 tons, by Wyatt as 
about 180, and by Kendall as about 300. The last estim- 
ate, however, perhaps exaggerates what Kendall himself 
wrote. It is repeated in another part of the Arcano del 
Mare} where Dudley states that the vessel was a " gale- 
one riformato " of thirty guns, built for him at South- 
ampton, and that she proved to be very fast. The last 
point is confirmed by Wyatt, who describes her (p. 13) as 
being " most singuler for her saylinge." The vice-admiral, 
the Bears Whelp, was commanded by Captain Monck or 
Munck, who is otherwise unknown.- Of the three narra- 
tives only Wyatt's gives her size, but the 80 tons which 
he allows to her are increased to 140 in the Arcano del 
Mare. Two small pinnaces, to serve as tenders, named the 
Earwig and the Frisking, made up the complement. 
Wyatt, indeed, speaks also of a rear-admiral, called the 
Mermaid, of 100 tons, which was left behind at South- 
ampton to follow later, but no further mention is made of 
her. Besides Kendall, his nautical adviser, Dudley also 
had with him on the Bear Captain Jobson as his *' Lieu- 
tenant Generall." He was no doubt the Captain Thomas 
Jobson already named (p. ix), and a son of Sir Francis 
Jobson, who married a half-sister of Dudley's paternal 
grandfather, John, Duke of Northumberland (p. 12). He 
was older than his kinsman and had served under Drake 
at San Domingo and elsewhere, and from his relationship 

' Lib. iv, pp. 2, 21. Dudley (ch. ii) divides the vessels of war 
designed by him into seven symmetries (sette simetrie) ; the Bear 
was of the first, a plan of which is given in his plate 6. 

'^ In the Arcaiio del Mare, lib. iv, p. 3, Dudley speaks of him as a 
relative (parente dell' autore). His vessel was of Dudley's fourth 
symmetry (see his plate 12, " Fregate di guerra simetria quarta 6 


and experience he was Dudley's right hand throughout 
the voyage. Captain Benjamin Wood was another well- 
seasoned member of the company. He had been with 
Amadas and Barlow in Virginia as early as 1584, and was 
master of the Wz7d Man, commanded by John Chudleigh, 
in an unsuccessful attempt to sail round the world in 
1589.^ He was more fortunate on this voyage with Dudley 
than he was in 1596, when the latter put him in command 
of an expedition to China, the fate of which was never 
quite cleared up (p. 8, note 3). A few more names are also 
recorded, chiefly by Wyatt, such as Captains Wentworth 
and Vincent, Mr. Lister, Mr. Thomas Comley, Mr. Wright, 
Mr. Canter, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Crale and Mr. Norris. Most 
of these were musketeers ; but " Ancient " Barrow and 
"our Generalls page Mr. William Bradshew" were in more 
personal attendance upon Dudley himself. The full 
number of men originally mustered is not given. Incident- 
ally, however, we learn that, including those taken on 
board out of her sunk pinnace, the Bear carried nearly 
140,'-^ who were so cramped for room that sickness soon 
broke out. These no doubt made up more than half the 
'.lumber that started, and at any rate no more than these 
actually made the voyage. 

Apparently Dudley started on his expedition without an}' 
definite aim. Though Kendall is made to say that it was 
to explore Guiana " according as he had order to do from 
Queen Elizabeth of England tJien reigning'' (p. 84), the very 
form of these words shows they are interpolated ; and no 
doubt there is more truth in Dudley's own statement that 
it was "rather to see some practise and experience then any 
wonders or profite" (p. 68). He seems, in short, to have set 

1 See Voyages of Sir J. Lancaster, ed. C. R. Markham, Hakl. Soc, 
1877, p. 19, note." 

^ See p. 69. In the Arcano del Ma?-e, lib. iii, p. 31, the number is 
given as 200 at least. 


out in all the ardour of }-outh to sec the world and seek 
adventures, though, to judge from his actions, one at least 
of his motives was to caijturc as many Spanish prizes as 
possible. There is some uncertainty also as to his precise 
relations with Sir Walter Ralegh, who, with the declared 
purpose of exploring Guiana, followed in his wake three 
months later and reached Trinidad only ten days after he 
had left it. Dudley can hardly have had the deliberate 
intention to forestall him, although his proceedings were a 
little suspicious. He speaks as if he only formed the 
design of "discovering the main" when actually at Trinidad, 
from what he heard from Capt. George Popham (p. 71); 
but, if such was the case, he must have met Popham before 
he was joined by him at Trinidad, which was not until after 
his boat had started up the Orinoco (p. 75). It has been 
assumed, on the contrary, that he was acting in concert 
with Ralegh. There is, however, no evidence of this ; for, 
although he and Popham waited some time for Ralegh at 
Trinidad, it was merely because they " surmized " that he 
" had some purpose for this discovery" (p. 75). It is sig- 
nificant that in his Discoverie of Guiana Ralegh ignores 
Dudley's voyage altogether, and he only once casually 
mentions him.^ After they had both returned home he 
showed, in fact, as we shall presently see, decided jealousy 
of his interest in Guiana, and did his best to stop his 
fitting out another expedition to the same quarter. 

Dudley's first and, as it proved, only voyage thither 
began badly. Setting sail from Southampton on Novem- 
ber 6th, 1594, they first made for Plymouth"-; but, from 
want of wind, it was not until November 19th that all four 
vessels met in port, and when two days later they sailed 
for Spain, they were speedily driven back, the Bear and 

1 See below, p. 74, note 2. 

^ The unexplained " business " which Dudley says he had llTere was 
possibly to see Popham, or to pick up news as to Ralet^h's intentions. 


her pinnace into Plymouth and the other two into Fal- 
mouth. Sending orders to his vice-admiral to join him at 
the Canaries or Cape Blanco, Dudley made a fresh start on 
December ist. This time the wind was strong behind 
him ; but before he reached the Spanish coast his pinnace 
was swamped, and he was thus left with only the Bear. 
" Notwithstanding all these crosses, all alone," he says, " I 
went wandering on my voyage." From the first the Bear 
showed her true character as a privateer, chasing every 
vessel that came in sight as she ran down the coast on her 
way to the Canaries. From Wyatt's graphic account, she 
appears to have recked little of size or number ; and, if the 
three supposed "'royal Armathases" which she caught up 
had really proved to be King's ships, Dudley might have 
had other grounds for disgust than his inability to meet 
with any but friends. The only Spanish vessel which they 
did come across hoisted English colours and escaped into 
shallow water, and then she mocked them, "the which our 
generall toke mightelie offensive." This episode, with the 
abortive night-attack which he planned in revenge on a 
Spanish harbour, and which was probably not justified by 
his commission, is only reported by Wyatt ; and we also 
owe to him a lively account of the manner in which they 
spent Christmas Day near Teneriffe, "a vcrie hott day, 
and wee withall becalmed." The We\-mouth bark which 
lay close by, and with whose crew they made cheer, was 
the second casual vessel which Dudley tried to secure as a 
consort, but in both cases he was baulked by the " mon- 
strous outragiousness " of the weather. 

Soon after this, while still at the Canaries, they at length 
succeeded in taking two carvels, one of which was smartly 
cut out close in shore by Jobson under a hot fire. Dudley 
at once matmed the prizes with crews out of his own over- 
crowded ship, under Captains Wood and Wentworth ; and 
he again begins to talk with pride of his " flectc of 3 sailes." 

PREFACE. xxiii 

The addition to his .strenL;th was the more opportune as he 
saw no more of his truant vice-admiral. Monck, as he 
learned later, had, in fact, returned to England with a 
couple of prizes — " great and rich galleons," Kendall calls 
them — and left his leader to pursue the voyage without him 
as best he could. xAftcr waiting some time at the Canaries, 
and weathering a storm, the horrors of which VVyatt 
depicts as usual with a lurid pen, Dudley went on to look 
for him at Cape Blanco, on the mainland of Africa. While 
there, he landed in company with Wyatt and others to see 
the country, and both speak in much the same terms of its 
dreary and forbidding aspect. On the other hand, Dudley 
is discreetly silent about an action fought by his carvels off 
the cape with four French men-of-war, only one of which 
was of any size. It seems that they at first took the car- 
vels, naturally enough, for Spanish fishing-boats ; but even 
when the mistake was discovered, both sides were quite 
ready to fight the matter out, until the Bear interposed 
with her guns and made the Frenchmen sheer off. The 
story, which Wyatt tells with much spirit, shows how easily 
conflicts arose in foreign waters between ships of different 
nations nominally at peace or even in alliance. 

From Cape Blanco, where he left letters for Monck 
" inclosed in a thinge of wood provided of purpose," Dudley 
bore away directly for Trinidad, setting sail on January 9th, 
1595. According to Wyatt, it was given out that they 
would touch at Sant' Antao, one of the Cape Verde islands. 
This was perhaps a ruse for the benefit of those who 
dreaded being too long out of sight of land ; and, at any 
rate, from fear of the unhealthiness of the place, Dudley 
and Kendall secretly contrived to run past during the 
night. For once, wind and weather were fair some twenty 
days together, and Wyatt therefore found time to study 
the habits of the flying-fish and its foes. Moreover, he had 
talks on deck with the "General"; and in an interesting 


passage (p. 20) he makes it clear that Dudley even at 
this early age was a skilled navigator and by no means 
wholly dependent upon his master. Wyatt, indeed, saw in 
him more than this, for he speaks of him as a hero whose 
actions " heareafter will prove to be the worlds wonder." 

It was on January 31st, 1595, that Dudley first sighted 
Trinidad, and the chief interest of his voyage begins from 
this date. Since Columbus discovered the island on July 
31st, 1498, and named it after the Holy Trinity, the 
Spaniards had attempted from time to time to secure a 
hold upon it, but without success. Latterly Antonio 
de Berrio y Oruna had been more fortunate. Descend- 
ing the Meta and Orinoco from New Granada, where he 
had married the heiress of the famous Captain-General 
Gonzalo Ximenes de Ouesada, he reached Trinidad about 
1584. On his arduous journey he had lost most of his 
force, but with the help of the Governor of Margarita 
he subdued the natives and set up some kind of govern- 
ment. In 1 59 1 he fixed his capital at San Jose de 
Oruna, which he built six miles east of Puerto de los 
Hispanioles, now Port of Spain, by the side of a small 
river running into the Caroni some two miles south. 
Berrio, however, only valued Trinidad as a foothold for 
more ambitious schemes. He inherited from Ouesada the 
dream of a kingdom in the interior of Guiana richer in 
gold than even Peru, and his hopes were all centred in the 
conquest of this shadowy El Dorado. When Dudley 
arrived, he was still busied in plans which were fated never 
to be carried out. In a few weeks Dudley sailed away, 
harmless and unharmed ; but he was almost immediately 
succeeded by Ralegh, and before the end of March San 
Jos(S was taken and burnt and Berrio was a prisoner.^ The 

' Borde, Histoirc dc /'lie dc la Trinidad sous Ic gouvernciitcnt 
espagnol, 1876. i. p. 137 ; JJe Verteuil, Trinidad, 2nd ed., i<S84, 
p. 426. 


histoi)' of these events, however, belongs to Ralegh's Dis- 
coverie of Guiana, and need not be pursued further here. 

To Englishmen at this time Irinidad was probably very 
little known, although English ships no doubt found their 
way there in the course ot trade or otherwise. One casual 
visit of more than ordinary interest is recorded in Lancaster's 
first voyage to the East Indies. In June, 1593, the ^'^zty^r^ 
Botiavejiture, when she was on her way home, after round- 
ing the Cape of Good Hope and touching at St. Helena, 
proceeded to Trinidad, " hoping there to find refreshing, 
but we could not get any by reason that the Spaniards had 
taken it" ; whereupon she sailed out of the Gulf of Paria 
through the Dragon's Mouth for Puerto Rico, only to 
encounter further troubles.^ Dudley was also anticipated 
by Capt. Jacob VVhiddon, who had been specially sent to 
Trinidad by Ralegh to learn all he could about Guiana and 
El Dorado. How far he succeeded in his immediate 
object is not known ; but he probably did not stay long 
after the loss of eight of his crew, who were lured on shore 
and cut off by the Spaniards in an ambush. In March, 
I595> he returned with Ralegh himself, when Berrio paid 
dearly for his treachery. Whiddon's former visit is dated 
by Ralegh the year before his own- ; but as he was there 
on the arrival of the Edward Boiiaveiiture, it w^as more 
probably in the summer of 1593. This was some eighteen 
months before Dudley appeared on the scene ; but the 
latter may fairly claim to have been the first Englishman 
who landed troops and built a fort ; who marched in battle 
array more than half way across the island ; and who, as we 

^ Voyages 0/ Sir J. Lancaster, ed. C. R. Markham, 1877, p. 29 ; and 
see also above, p. xvii. 

- Discm'erie of Guiana, pp. 6, 10. The Diet. Nat. Biogr. leaves 
Whiddon's fate doubtful, but Ralegh expressly states that he buried 
him in Trinidad, "after my returne from Guiana, beinj^ a man most 
honest and valiant" (p. 5;. 


now know for the first time, formally and ceremoniously 
laid claim to it in his sovereign's name. More than two 
centuries, however, were yet to elapse before this claim, 
such as it was, became a reality by the final cession of the 
island to Great Britain by the Treaty of Amiens in 1802. 

Sailing along the south coast, Dudley passed round the 
south-western extremity, which, like Ralegh, he calls Point 
Curiapan, and anchored, to use his own words, " in a bay 
which was very full of pelicans, and I called it Pelicans 
Bay" (p. 70). The name does not appear in his map,^ but 
its position seems to be marked by an anchor, and no 
doubt he means what is now known as Cedros Bay. 
Although VVyatt reports that they only just missed a rich 
booty by the over-eagerness of the two carvels, there 
were apparently no Spaniards so far south ; and they soon 
made friends with the Indians, whom Dudley describes as 
" a fine shaped and a gentle people, al naked and painted 
red." Both he and Wyatt give lists of words in their 
language, from which it is evident that they were of the 
well-known Arawak tribe, the " Arquachi" of the map. 
Although the number of words included is small, these 
vocabularies are of special interest, as they appear to be 
the earliest on record. As soon as a native was found who 
could speak Spanish, their first enquiry was for a gold-mine. 
How they were informed of one some eight or nine miles 
along the coast, and how they marched thither on February 
2nd under Capt. Jobson, and again the next day in greater 

^ This map, a photo-litliographic reproduction of which accompanies 
the \'olume, is taken from the very valuable atlas which forms the 
sixth and last book of his Afca/io del Marc. So far as Trinidad and 
the mouth of the Orinoco are concerned, it embodies his own observa- 
tions, as well probably as Kendall's, made on the spot ; but it has the 
additions which might be expected, seeing that it was not published 
until 1646. Theie is another map in the British Museum (Add. MS. 
17,940 a) with which it maybe profitably compared, and which may 
perhaps be reproduced in the new edition of Ralegh's Discovcric of 
<Jitia/i(i, now in prc|>aration. The latter map, I am convinced, not 
(Mily relers to Ralegh's voyage, but is actually in his own hand. 

PREFACE. xxvn 

force under Dudle}' in person, returning on each occasion 
laden witli ore — this is narrated by VVyatt in his happiest 
vein. The young General, it is satisfactory to learn, dis- 
played no less admirable qualities on land than on sea ; for 
he bore himself so gallantly under trying conditions of 
heat, toil, and fear of attack, that all his followers were 
convinced he would prove the " onlic mirrour of Knight- 
hood." In his own concise valuation, Dudley admits that 
the ore after all was worthless. " All is not gold that 
glistercth," he remarks; and it proved in fact to be nothing 
more than marcasite or pyrites. What time elapsed 
before this unwelcome discovery was made we are not 
told ; but Wyatt when he wrote was apparently still 
unaware of it. Some weeks later the same mine was 
pointed out to Ralegh. By his own account he at once 
detected its real character, and his remarks on those who 
had been less astute were no doubt aimed at Dudley and 
his followers.^ 

It was perhaps the elation caused by this delusive pro- 
spect of its mineral wealth that suggested to Dudley to 
appropriate Trinidad to the English Crown. This he did 
by the simj^le device of affixing to a tree near the supposed 
gold-mine a leaden plate bearing the Queen's arms, with 
an arrogant Latin inscription, of which Wyatt preserves a 
copy (p. 26). Wyatt himself played the chief part in the 
ceremony, which, fantastic as it appears in modern eyes, 
was evidently regarded by the actors as a serious function. 
Dudley, indeed, was so well satisfied that a fortnight later 
he caused it to be repeated still more solemnly by Captain 
Jobson, the wording of the inscription being slightly varied. 

^ " While we abode at the Hand ofTrinedado I was informed by an 
Indian that not fane from the port where we ancored there were 
founde certaine minerall stones which they esteemed to be gold, and 
were thereunto perswaded the rather for that they had seen both 
English and French men gather and imbarque some quantities 
thereof" \DiscovcKic 0/ Guia/Ki, p. xi). 


This was on February 1 8th, when they had more reason to 
boast, having been nearly three weeks in the island 
unmolested, and doing there, as Wyatt says, " whatsoever 
it pleased our Generall to commaunde and liked ourselves 
best." During this time they had not been idle. On 
February 6th they moved further north to the Bay ot 
Paracoa, where Dudley resolved to grave and trim his 
vessels, while the men lay ashore, protected by a " sconce." 
From its situation on his map, the town of Paracoa was 
either where San Fernando now stands, or not far off. It 
was held by the Spanish, though probably in small force; 
and Captain Jobson was on the point of starting to assault 
it, when they prevented him by sending a flag of truce and 
making friendly overtures. Whether they were sincere or 
not, the haughty letter which Dudley wrote to Jobson, and 
which Wyatt quotes in full, made anything like amicable 
relations impossible. It seems strange therefore that just 
at this time he sent away his two carvels " to try their 
fortune in the Indies," or, in other words, in quest of 
plunder. After they had gone, he states that he had only 
50 men to oppose to the 300 whom Berrio had procured 
from Margarita (p. 70), and he must therefore have 
weakened his already small force by more than a half ^ As 
it happened, he never came into actual conflict either with 
the Spaniards or the natives in Trinidad. The reason he 
gives for not taking the offensive against the former was 
that they were both " poore and strong" ; while Berrio, for 
his part, did no more than keep a watchful eye on the 
invader's movements. His strength, indeed, was probably 
nothing like so great as Dudley supposed, for he was easily 
vanquished by Ralegh with only 100 men. The truth is 

> Altogether lie had 140 men (p. 69), but it is not likely that the 
carvels carried so many as 90 between them, and the 50 he speaks of 
may therefore be exclusive of those left on Ijoard to look after the 
ship. See also below, p. xxxii. 


that Dudley's division of his forces, as he himself admits, 
was a compromise. He was anxious to penetrate into 
Guiana, but he dared not risk too inuch in the venture, and 
he parted therefore with his smaller craft so as not to 
forego the chance of paying his charges by a lucky cap- 
ture at sea. What success they met, or what became of 
them, we do not hear ; but as Captain Benjamin Wood, 
who commanded one of them, is heard of again, they pro- 
bably reached England in safety. 

Gold was the attraction in Guiana, as it was in Trinidad. 
At the same time, as we know now, there was far better 
chance of finding it. In the island it has yet to be dis- 
covered ; but its presence on the mainland opposite is 
a fact beyond dispute, and in the light of the yearl)' 
returns it is hard to realise that it was at one time dis- 
credited. So far as appears, the mythical El Dorado — 
" the imperial city of Manoa" — which fascinated Ralegh 
and Berrio, was not in the thoughts of Dudley and his 
fellow-adventurers. Wyatt has not a word about it, and 
his leader speaks as if he only heard of it later. The 
more prosaic and practical object he had in view was to 
obtain possession of a mine ; and after threats had been 
added to promises, Balthazar, the Spanish-speaking Indian 
whom he kept on board, undertook to guide them to one at 
Orocoa, the richness of which, as Wyatt assures us, was 
vouched for by at least a hundred other Indians who 
visited the ship. In Dudley's map Orocoa is located at 
the head of the delta of the Orinoco. It corresponds 
therefore with Ralegh's " Arriacoa, where Orenoque 
deuideth it selfe into three great braunches"^; but, if gold 
was really to be found there, it must have been obtained 
from alluvial washings alone. It is a pity that neither 
Dudley nor Wyatt was in the boat which went up the river 

^^Disco7>eric of Giiiima^ p. i oo. 


in search of this so-called mine, and we have thus no strictl)' 
first-hand report of what happened. Dudley's statement 
of his own eagerness to go is fully confirmed by Wyatt, 
who explains that, not only Jobson and Kendall, but the 
whole company protested against " soe worthie and hope- 
full a gallant " being hazarded in " soe small and simple a 
vessell" (p. 35). Dudley's version, as already noted (p. xvi), 
is slightly different, as it attributes their opposition rather 
to anxiety on their own account, if they were left to 
Kendall's mercy in his absence. In the narrative that 
goes under Kendall's own name it is made out that Dudley 
did go in person, and that he penetrated " with small boats 
and frigates" 300 miles within Guiana (p. 87) ; but, who- 
ever is responsible for them, these statements are plainly 
untrue. The command of the single boat which was sent 
was given to Jobson, whose crew of twelve picked men 
ranged from the two master's mates to "two painfull and 
able Dutchmen." 

The journey up the river, or rather the maze of branches 
which forms its mouth, cannot of course compare in in- 
terest with Ralegh's, though it can claim priority by a 
few weeks, and with so small a number of men it was 
certainly bolder. The force Ralegh had with him was 
much more imposing. Instead of one small boat, he 
commanded a flotilla, conveying upwards of one hundred 
men with a large amount of stores, and he was thus 
enabled to ascend the main stream of the Orinoco as 
high as the junction with the Caroni ; added to this, his 
story has all the advantage of being told by his own 
eloquent pen. Dudley's narrative, it will be remembered, 
was written after the Discoverie of Guiana appeared, 
and there are signs in it of a consciousness that he had 
been outdone, and that the wind, so to speak, had been 
taken out of his sails. It is perhaps for this reason that he 
only gives a brief summary of Jobson's report of his 

PREFACE. xxxi 

fortnight's wandering, fuller details of which we owe to 
Wyatt's more curious enquiries. So far as its main object 
was concerned, the expedition was a failure. Jobson never 
saw the mine, and it is a question if he even reached 
Orocoa, as it is not c]uite clear whether his meeting with 
Armago, its " captain" or chief, took place there or lower 
down the river. According to Dudley, this Armago not onl}- 
declared explicitly that he " had a mine of gold and could 
refine it," but offered to trade, and as an earnest sent him 
a few golden crescents and two bracelets of silver ; more- 
over, it was from him they heard of El Dorado and the 
nation whose bodies were dusted with gold. Less well 
informed, or perhaps more truthful, Wyatt sa}-s nothing of 
this. He dwells instead on the hardships of the return 
journey, which are in striking contrast with the picture he 
gives of the tropical beauties of the scene as they rowed up 
stream. When Balthazar, after bringing them into a 
narrow and almost impervious channel, slipped away in the 
night, their sole guide was a frightened Indian who could 
onl}' direct them by signs ; and when he, too, tried to escape, 
and had been " stricken by a brown bill," it was with the 
utmost difficulty that they at length regained the ship, 
after all on board, except Dudley, had given them up for 
lost. It was no wonder therefore that Dudley could find no 
one willing to join him in a fresh attempt. " But nowe," he 
complains, " they were worse then before . . . for m}- men 
came home in very pitiful! case, half dead for famine." 

As no more could be done in this direction, he left 
Trinidad on March I2th, 1595, "to see further of the 
Indies." Though his boat must have returned some days 
earlier, he records nothing in the interval, except that he 
waited with Popham for Ralegh. Wyatt, however, fills up 
the gap with a graphic account of their last and longest 
march on shore. This was the march which in an earlier 
passage (p. 71) Dudley describes as extending fifty miles, 


and from one side of the island to the other, and on which, 
according to Kendall's narrative (p. 87), he took with him 
three hundred men ! Wyatt's candour makes short work 
of these pretensions. He states distinctly that the force 
comprised about sixty of Dudley's men and ten of 
Popham's, and that they advanced into the interior no 
more than some twenty miles ; considering, indeed, the 
nature of the country, and the fact that they were only one 
night away from the ships, the wonder is that they pene- 
trated the " monstrous thicke wood" so far. In the part 
where they were, Trinidad is about thirty-five miles across ; 
and it is not only clear from Wyatt's account that they did 
not reach the further side, but in Dudley's own map Carao 
or, as Wyatt calls it, Carowa, which was the limit of the 
march, is placed at some distance from the east coast. 
They were lured thither, as elsewhere, by stories of gold, 
for Carowa was reported to be the spot where the ore from 
the Trinidad mine before mentioned was refined. As 
usual, too, they got little for their pains. Not an Indian 
remained ; and for evidence of the truth of the report they 
had to be content with a few melting-pots and some dross. 
The reason Wyatt gives for the flight of the Indians is a 
singular one. They were terrified, he says, at the noise 
the English made on the march, which they did on purpose 
to attract the notice of the Spaniards, advancing with 
"collcrs displaide in honour of England and maugre the 
Spaniards herd." Though it was partly no doubt from 
policy, it is to Dudley's credit that he treated the Indians 
well, giving strict orders that their houses and goods 
should not be disturbed. 

As soon as the Bear sailed out of the Gulf of Paria 
northwards on March 12th, his mind was again bent upon 
capturing prizes ; and "it pleased God to bless him soe," 
that he took one the very next day on the wa}' to Puerto 
Rico. She was outward bound, and her cargo of wine 


linen, hats and such-like shows the nature of the goods 
which Spain exported to her colonies. Wyatt has much 
to say of their dealings with her and her crew until she was 
gutted and burnt off Cape Roxo, this being the occasion, 
already alluded to (p. xiv), when he taught the prisoners, 
what Dudle)''s chivalrous kindness had made them, forget, 
that " they weare to suffer with patience the fortune of 
the warrs" (p. 50). Dudley, however, was flying at higher 
game. His plan now was to intercept stragglers from the 
plate-fleet due, as he learned from some of his prisoners, to 
leave Havana in April ; indeed, Kendall's story is that he 
had been expressly instructed to do this by the Queen. 
Accordingly, after lying vainly off Cape Roxo in the hope 
of catching ships from San Domingo, he made the dangerous 
passage between that island and Puerto Rico on March 
25th. For two days he sailed north-north-cast towards 
Bermuda, and then took a more westerly course. Fortune, 
however, was adverse ; and, in his own words, " the fleete I 
found not, but foule weather enough to scatter many 
fleetes " (p. yd). The other two narrators tell the same 
tale, Wyatt quite surpassing himself in his description of 
their miseries. For a whole month, it seems, th^y were 
driven at the mercy of wind and wave, and the Bear must 
have been both stoutly built and ably handled to have sur- 
vived. According to Wyatt, they ran up the coast of 
Florida and Virginia, and found themselves at last near 
Labrador ; but the highest latitude marked by Kendall is 
40' 10', and from this point they flew before a gale across 
the Atlantic to the Azores, which they reached in safety on 
April 28th. 

As victuals by this time were running short, Dudley 
resolved to make at once for England, and on the way, in 
lat. 45 , on May 6th, he met the crowning adventure of the 
voyage. In his own brief report of the two-days' fight 
with a Spanish ship of war he describes her as being of six 



hundred tons. This is just double Wyatt's estimate ; but 
otherwise they are in close accord, and VVyatt merely fills 
up the other's outline with picturesque details. On a smaller 
scale, the fight was a repetition of what happened in the 
Channel with the Spanish Armada in 1588, the active Bear 
" working warelie to keep the wind" and pouring shot into 
her heavier antagonist, who " went upright as a church." 
With a storm-battered vessel, a crew of barely fifty men, 
only four guns fit for use, and only nine barrels of powder 
unspoiled by water, it was a daring step to provoke an 
action ; nor did they draw off until their powder was 
exhausted and boarding was found impossible. Dudley's 
hope, no doubt, was that the enemy would yield in good 
time ; but, for reasons which Wyatt explains, this was not 
to be, and the only fruit of victory was the conviction that 
she must sink before she reached land. Although the Bear 
herself by no means came off unscathed, only one man, 
strange to say, was wounded by a shot. Dudley does not 
mention his own very narrow escape ; but both Wyatt and 
Kendall tell how his " leading staff" was knocked to pieces 
in his hand. From the former we also hear of another 
curious incident, that in the very thick of the fight Jobson, 
noting the bravery of Dudley's page, Bradshew, led him up 
to his master and declaimed some aptly-chosen lines from 
Kidd's popular Spanish Tragedie in his praise. Such a 
" fine conccipt" was thoroughly in harmony with the taste 
of the time, and Dudley was just the man to appreciate it.^ 
Leaving the Spanish ship to her fate, he now resumed his 

1 Something of the same kind occurred during Rodney's famous 
action with the French fleet off Dominica in 1782. While the tight 
was raging round the Gloricu.x\ Sir Charles Douglas, Rodney's flag- 
captain, exclaimed : " Behold, Sir George, the Greeks and Trojans 
contending for the body of Patroclus I" " Damn the Greeks and 
damn the Trojans ! I have other things to think of," was the .Admiral's 
reply. A few minutes later, however, when victory was secure, he 
added : " Now, my dear friend, 1 am at the service of your Greeks and 
Trojans and the whole of Homer's Iliad, or as much of it as you 
please" fJ/undy, Life of Rodney, 1830, ii, p. 304). 


course for England, and, after narrowly escaping the rocks 
of Scilly in a fog, he landed at St. Ives, in Cornwall, at the 
end of May, 1 595, after a voyage that lasted just six months. 
During this time he had seen and learned much, and had 
amply proved his courage and fitness for command ; but 
beyond this he had little to show on his return. At the 
close of his narrative, the most he claims is that he and his 
fleet had taken or destroyed nine Spanish ships,^ and his 
own feeling in the matter is expressed in his final words, 
" which was losse to them, though I got nothing." 

An interesting letter written by him to Sir Robert Cecil 
just after his return is preserved at Hatfield. A copy of it 
[here follows, and by the kindness of Lord Salisbury a collo- 
type facsimile is also given. As it was dated from Wilton, 
Dudley was probably breaking his journey there with 
Lord Pembroke on his way up from Cornwall to London, 
and its tone shows his anxiety to secure a powerful patron. 

" Most honorable Sir Robert Silcet,"'^ 

" How much I honour you and how infinitly I thinke my 
se[l]fe tyed vnto you for your manie honourable fauours, which I 
vnderstande by my mother, I cannot chouse for them but make 
my self your voued seruant by luines (?)^ and allso by the vtter- 
most of my seruice and dewtifuU affection striue in some 
measure to make satisfaction of your honours kindnes. Sir, my 
true louing and honoring you is all the recompence I am able to 
make, which though it be not of worth sufficient to counteruayle the 
least parte of your honours kindnes, yet I humbly beseach you take 
it, as all he is able to doe that vnfaynedly honoreth you. And that, 
I assure your honour, you shall allway commaunde more then 
anie gentillman in Englande. Let me intreate you not to take 
me as a complimentall courtier, but as a playne dealing saylor, 

^ The three unaccounted for (p. 77, note) were possibly taken by the 
carvels after they parted. 

' This is a singular corruption for " Cecil," but it is so also in the 
address on the outside. 

' I can make nothing else of this word, but it is unintelligible. 
Possibly it is the name of a messenger. 

d 2 


that hath learned to loue them honestly and vnfaynedly that he 
is so much bounde to as to your honour. The discourse of those 
matters I haue seane I leaue till I wayte vpon you, which shalbe 
when I haue in some reasonable sorte recouered my health, 
which hath bine not alltogether the best sence I came ; I am 
stronge inouf, but somthing dulled with the sea fare. The best 
thinges I knowc I shalbe glade to make knownevnto your honour. 
So intreating perdone for my bouldnes, I humbly take my leauc 
in mannor as best becometh me. From Wilton, this nth of 
Junne, 1595. 

Your honors poure frende to commaund in 
all dewtie and seruice, 


" I beseach Gode sende your fortunes as greate 
as I shall all way wish them, which shoulde be as 
great as your selfe can desier them. 

" Lett me intreate your honour to excuse my not 
writting to my Lord your father, for I am affrayde 
I shoulde be trowblcsome vnto him ; but I humbly 
pray you to assure him that I am one that honoreth 
him and his house as much as anie man shall doe.' 

What effect this letter and the subsequent interview had 
does not appear ; but it was not long before adverse influ- 
ences were at work in the same quarter. On November 
lOth, 1595, Ralegh in his turn wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, 
and in the course of his letter he remarked : — 

" What becomes of Guiana I much desire to hear, whether it 
pass for a history or a fable. I hear Mr. Dudley and others are 
sending thither ; if it be so, farewell all good from thence, for, 
although myself, like a cockscomb, did rather prefer the future 
in respect of others, and rather sought to win the kings to her 
Majestys service than to sack them, I know what others will do 
when those kings shall come simply into their hands. If it may 
please you to acquaint my Lord Admiral therewith, let it then 
succeed as it will."' 

' Cal. of Hatfield MS S., pt. v, 1894, p. 445. This was before the 
jjublication of his Discoi'eric. 


These ill-natured reflections apparently had the result 
intended, for whatever plans Dudley may have formed for 
another venture to Guiana, they came to nothing, and his 
vessels, the Bear, the Whelp, and another, are next heard of 
on their ill-starred voyage to China under Captain Benjamin 
Wood,^ at the beginning of 1597. 

Dudley himself served in the expedition against Spain 
under the Earls of Essex and Nottingham in 1596. He 
there commanded the Nonpareil'^; but in the contemporary 
accounts he by no means plays the prominent part which 
he arrogates to himself in the Direttorio Marittinio? On 
the contrary, in the actual attack upon the fleet in Cadiz 
harbour on June 21st even the command of the Nonpareil 
appears to have been taken out of his hands, as Lord 
Thomas Howard, the Vice-admiral, removed into it out of 
his own Honor de la Mar, which drew too much water.* 
After' the capture of Cadiz, his services were rewarded by 
knighthood. This honour, however, was not conferred 
upon him, as upon so many others, in Spain, but at Ply- 
mouth, on Aug. 8th, on their return, " in the open streete 
when the Lords Generall came from the sermon," the same 
account'' which mentions this eulogising him as having 
" so many good parts of a woorthy gentleman as the like 
are seldome seene to concurre in any." 

^ It was perhaps in connection with this expedition that a warrant 
was issued on January 22nd, 1596-7, for the Queen's usual reward to 
Dudley, among others, as owners of a newly-built ship {Cal. of State 
Papers, 1595-97, P- 35 0- 

- He was appointed a captain in March (Gz/. of State Papers, 1595- 
97, P- 190)- 

* " He took the command of the great English fleet in 1596, in the 
absence of his uncle, the Earl of Nottingham, High Admiral. The 
year following {sic) he was Admiral of the English vanguard in the 
battle of Cadiz, in .Spain . .• . Then he besieged Faro, in Algarna 
[Algarve], in Portugal, and next took command of the English galleons 
sent to the rescue when Calais was besieged by his .S. H. the Arch- 
duke of Mentoza" (Leader, Life of Sir R. Dudley, p. 33). 

^ W. B. Devereux, Lives of the Dei'ereiix, i, p. 361. 

'" Hakluyt, 1598, i, p. 146. 


This was Dudley's last active service at sea, and no 
more perhaps need be said by way of preface to his early 
voyage. At the same time, it will not be out of place to 
explain briefly the circumstances under which his talents 
were lost to his own country, and devoted for the best part 
of his life to the interests of a foreign state. His hapless 
attempt to prove his legitimacy, and so establish his right 
to be Earl of Leicester and Warwick, was begun in 1603, 
when he was in his thirtieth year. In such a case motives, 
laudable and otherwise, are not far to seek. With his 
proud and sensitive nature, he would naturally seize any 
opportunity of removing the stigma on his birth ; and there 
is little doubt that he was also spurred on by the ambition 
of his second wife, Alice Leigh,^ and her father. Sir Thomas 
Leigh, of Stoneleigh, co. Warwick. The story, as hitherto 
known, comes solely from Dugdale, who tells it both in his 
Warwickshire and his Baronage, adding in the latter a 
summary of the adverse judgment delivered in the Star 
Chamber on May loth, 1605. Although he says of the 
alleged marriage, " I shall leave it dubious," he hardly con- 
ceals his own belief in it, and modern writers have been 
still more outspoken. There is a good deal notwithstand- 
ing to be said to the contrary. Whether Dugdale had 
access to all the documents is doubtful ; his account is cer- 
tainly incomplete, and he practically confines himself to 
the evidence on one side. To judge the case fairly, careful 
attention must also be given to the numerous depositions 
and other papers which have lain unnoticed at Longleat- 

1 He probably married her after his return from the Cadiz expedi- 
tion in 1596, his eldest daughter, Ahce Douglas Dudley, being- 
baptized at Kenihvorth September 25th, 1597 (Vaughan Thomas, The 
Italian Biography of Sir R. Dudley, p. 74). 

2 Dudley l^apers. Boxes vi-viii, being three (a, d, h) out of eight 
books referred to in a synopsis of the case, which is included. An 
exemplification of the judgment is in Box iv, No. 88. These papers 
descended to the Marquis of Bath from the sister and heir of Robert 
Devereux, third and last Earl of Essex. The Dudley Papers at Pens- 


and Penshurst, and which at least prove that there were 
reasonable grounds for doubt. 

Seeing that his claim involved two earldoms, besides 
Warwick Castle and other valuable properties, it appears 
strange that Dudley did not move in the House of Lords 
or in one of the superior courts of law ; but legal techni- 
calities perhaps stood in the way. Instead of this, he 
began by procuring on May 20th, 1603, a commission to 
examine witnesses from the Court of x'\udience of Canter- 
bury. This was executed quietly at Stoneleigh, under 
the eye of his father-in-law ; and he then followed it up 
by a more or less collusive action in the Consistory 
Court of Lichfield on September 27th against one Buswell 
for calling him " bastard," the object being, as it appeared, 
to get the marriage formally put on record by means of 
f.v parte testimony. News of this, however, leaked out, 
and on October loth the Privy Council issued a mandate 
to quash the proceedings, and to compel Dudley to begin 
afresh in one of the higher ecclesiastical courts, where 
all parties interested might be heard. Those who were 
chiefly affected, morally and materially, were Lettice, 
Leicester's reputed widow, and Robert, Lord Sidney of 
Penshurst, whose mother, Mary Dudley, was sister and, 
in default of lawful issue, co-heir to both Leicester and 
Warwick.^ Less open, but perhaps even more dangerous, 
opposition might also be expected from the Crown, to 
which some of the lands in dispute had reverted by 
escheat. It seems that Lady Leicester did not wait for 
any further proceedings on Dudley's part. Acting pre- 
sumably within her rights, but with what looks like sharp 
practice, on February loth, i6o|, she filed a bill in the Star 

hurst, comprised in three bound volumes, belong to Lord De Lisle 
and Dudley as representative of the first Lord Sidney. 

' Robert Dudley was thus first cousin to Sir Philip Sidney, as well 
as to Lord Sidney. 


Chamber against Dudley, his wife and mother, and his 
principal witnesses and agents, for conspiracy and defama- 
tion. The effect of this was that the issue reall}' tried was 
not so much the truth of the marriage as the legality of the 
methods used to get up the case ; indeed, according to 
Rowland White, writing just after the judgment, " the 
matter of marriage was not handled at ail : only the prac- 
tise was proved in the proceedings."^ But, although the 
main question was, perhaps of legal necessit}-, left to the 
ecclesiastical courts, and was in fact never judicially deter- 
mined, the evidence on which Dudley relied was fully set 
out in the depositions in the Star Chamber, and much of 
it is still available. To examine it in detail here is of 
course impossible.- Putting aside a mass of hearsay and 
loose gossip, which was largely the reflection of Leicester's 
unpopularity and an echo of the malignant attack upon 
him in 1584, the really material witnesses were Lady Shef- 
field herself, two of her former household, who declared 
they were present at the marriage, and Owen Jones. It is 
noteworthy that, as she admitted, Lady Sheffield was 
strongly opposed to the question being raised, at least 
while she was alive. The false position in which she had 
placed herself by marrying Sir Edward Stafford is enough 
perhaps to account for this ; otherwise it might be sus- 
pected that she had good reasons to know the weakness 
of her son's claim. Be that as it may, on her examination 
her story was precise and circumstantial enough.^ 

Briefly, it was to the effect that she was contracted to 

^ Letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, May 13th, 1605 (Lodge, Illus- 
trations^ iii, p. 160). 

''- There were no less than ninety witnesses on Dudley's part and 
fifty-seven on the Attorney-General's ; but the evidence of the majority 
is only found in a summary form, in papers entitled " A State of the 
Sute," etc. 

^ It was given in the form of answers to interrogatories at her resi- 
dence at Sudeley, June 6th and 7th, 1604, copies of which are at 


Leicester in 1571 in Canon Row, Westminster, and law- 
fully married to him in the winter of 1573, at night, in her 
own chamber at Esher House. Who the " minister" was 
she could not say, nor could an}- of the witnesses ; but she 
actually named no less than ten persons who, besides others, 
were present. The most important of them was Sir 
Edward Horsey, who, as she said, gave her away, and the 
rest were chiefly her own servants. One of the two alleged 
eye-witnesses now produced was Henry Frodsham, who had 
been her gentleman-usher. His evidence has not been 
preserved, and beyond its general purport we hear little of 
him, except that he was brought out of Yorkshire in order 
to give it by his cousin, Magdalen Salisbury. The latter 
plays a very dubious part in the existing papers. She 
declared^ that, as Magdalen Frodsham, she was Lady 
Sheffield's gentlewoman for five or six years from about 
1572, until she married Thomas Salisbury, but she refused 
to say how or where she had lived since. In 1603 she was 
in a humble position, if not in penury, lodging, apparently 
rent-free, in a house which by a curious coincidence be- 
longed to Thomas Ward, who was employed by Dudley 
as a proctor. In some unexplained way she there became 
known to Thomas Drury, a man of good family- but of 
notoriously evil character, who in the judgment of the 
Star Chamber originated the whole conspiracy to establish 
the marriage. He died of the plague on August 26th,' 
1603, before the Star Chamber proceedings began ; but, 
unless his widow and other witnesses^ lied, his dealings 
with the woman Salisbury, whose statement was taken 

^ Answers, May 15th, 1604, at Penshurst. 

' He was brother of Sir William Drury, of Hawstead, Suffolk, who 
married a sister of Sir Edward Stafford, Lady Sheffield's husband 
(Brit. Mus. Add. xMS. 19,127, f. 179). 

2 Answers of Elizabeth Drury, Will. Reeve, and Will. Rowse, at 
Longleat (Box vi). The last deposed that, when he was sent to fetch 
the woman, she said, " What would they have me to doe ? I was very 

xlii PREFACE. 

down in his room and sent by him to Dudley, were open 
to the gravest suspicions. His object plainly was to extract 
money, and a letter from him to Dudley on August 8th, 
saying he had made her " subscribe to the noate," and that 
" she is verie forward to depose for a further consideracion," 
is so cynically frank that it is difficult to believe it genuine.^ 
Salisbury's account of the marriage agreed with that of her 
mistress, and, if it was false, they must have been acting in 
concert One element of doubt is that she seems to have 
explained her presence in two different ways. In her 
answers of May 15th, 1604, she said she was nineteen at 
the time and was commanded by Lady Sheffield to 
"attend upon her"; while according to Thomas Ward, a 
friendly witness, her story to him was that she was of 
" verie tender yeares" and that " she came into the chamber 
by chaunce and woulde have gone out, but one Frodsham 
wished her to stale there as well as others."^ It was deposed 
also, though there was equally evidence the other way, that 
she did not enter Lady Sheffield's service until after 
Dudley's birth ; and in support of this Lady Parker, the 
intimate friend of Lady Sheffield, who was with the latter 
for a fortnight at her lying-in and whose evidence is trans- 
parently honest, disclaimed any knowledge of her until later.^ 
Although it was Drury's discovery of Magdalen Salis- 
bury that set the case going, Owen Jones, if he spoke 
truth, had offered his testimony to Dudley about four years 

young and I cannot remember anything." According to Mrs. Drury, 
her husband " reminded her [SaUsbury] of manie things, which she 
straight verified and confessed, but did not tell them before." There 
was no doubt a good deal of false swearing in the case. 

1 It is quoted among "matter to discover the practise" in a paper 
at Penshurst, and ends, after allusion to his own "travell" in the 
lousiness, "As I like of your answere and dealing, soe I shall proceede ; 
if not pinchingly [i.e., grudgingly or stingily], I am yours. Mora 
trahit jjericulum." The handwriting was proved by T. Denny. 

- Dudley Papers at Longleat, Ijox vi, f. 34. 

^ Answers, January loth, 1604 (//k 15ox vii, f 146). 

PREFACE. xliii 

earlier.^ Since Leicester's death he had lived a roving 
life in the wars and at sea, and had finally returned to his 
home in Wales. As to his character witnesses differed; but 
he was needy, and when he sought out Dudley it was 
apparently in the hope of relief. The story with which he 
introduced himself to his favour has already been noticed 
(p. vii). Apart from the discrepancy in the two versions of 
Leicester's alleged speech to him, at best it is too glaringly 
improbable to be taken on trust, for it compels us to believe 
that the Earl confessed to his footman what he studiously 
concealed from the rest of the world down to his death. 
There is one point, however, in Jones's favour. In his 
evidence he makes no pretence of having witnessed the 
marriage ; and it is the more curious therefore that Lady 
Sheffield in her answers of June 7th, 1604, includes him 
among those who were present. But this may have been 
a mere slip, or even a clerical error, and it need not be 
unduly pressed. 

But the crucial evidence was Lady Sheffield's own ; for 
either it was true, or Dudley must have convinced her, as 
well as himself, that all means were lawful which would 
redress the wrong they had both suffered by his father's 
duplicity. That Leicester promised her marriage, and 
basely used the Queen's jealousy as an excuse for delay, 
hardly admits of doubt ; but even if the engagement was 
as formal as she affirmed,- the balance of probability is 
against its ever having been legally carried out. There is 
no hint of any family pressure, as later in the case of Lady 
Essex. According to Lady Sheffield, indeed, the " principal 

* Answers, May 28th, 1604, among the papers at Penshurst. He 
is elsewhere described as "base and pore, a knight of the post 
... a comon drunckard," etc. 

- Her deposition as to the contract is at Longleat (Box vi, f. 48). 
She says that se\en or eight witnesses were present, before whom the 
Earl said, " I doe vowe to have no other wife but you," and further, 
" I doe take you to be my wife," and so on. 


mover" in the marriage was her kinsman, the Duke of 
Norfolk ; but he was beheaded on June 2nd, 1572, eighteen 
months before its alleged date. Her own account was 
that, suspecting herself (some two years after the contract) 
to be with child, she desired the Earl " to performe his 
promise and to marry her, which hee perfourmed" ; at the 
same time, as if this was not enough, although he insisted 
on absolute secrecy, he had the marriage solemnized 
before a dozen or more witnesses, and those not speciall)' 
selected for their discretion, but called in almost at 
random. Magdalen Salisbury went further, and deposed 
that the priest showed a " licence or dispensacion" from 
the Archbishop ; if so, some official record was presumably 
kept, but neither this nor any other documentary evidence 
was produced. Granting that Leicester's persistent denial 
goes for nothing, one of the strongest arguments against 
the marriage is Lady Sheffield's behaviour when he cast 
her off and married her rival. If proof was really so 
abundant, her neglect to avail herself of it at the time 
is more than ever inexplicable. Although she may have 
been " the pitifullest abused that ever was poore ladie,"^ 
she was not a simple, country-bred girl, such as Amy 
Robsart is depicted in Kcnilworth, but a woman of the 
world, brought up at Court and having powerful connec- 
tions, and the notion that she was paralysed by fear is not 
easily credible. Yet it was actually not until after the Lich- 
field proceedings of 1603, when without her testimony the 
marriage was thought to be established, that, at her son's 
suggestion, she wrote to her brother, the Earl of Nottingham, 
protesting that she had been Leicester's lawful wife. Her 
friend Lady Parker " believed in her conscience" that she 
was married, and so understood from her; but, although 
she recalled her tears and distress and her bitter complaints 

^ Tlie Copje of a /efcr, etc., p. 36. 


that Leicester had " falsified his faith to her," she pointedly 
abstained from saying that she ever had from her any such; 
account of the marriage as she gave five-and-twenty years 
later, and the whole of her evidence is consistent with the 
existence of a promise of marriage only.^ Whether Lady 
Sheffield had real grounds for asserting that the Earl had 
tried to poison her, so that she was " moved for saufgard of 
her liffe (liffe being sweete) to determyne to marry," is 
impossible to say. She was bound to offer some explana- 
tion of her becoming the wife of Sir Edward Stafford ; but 
her true motive may have been the wish to rehabilitate 
herself, in which happily she seems to have succeeded. 
Stafford died while the case was in progress, but not before 
he had made a deposition, which, if true, shows almost 
conclusivel}' that there was not even a binding contract. 
.■\s it is given in an abstract of evidence at Penshurst, he 
declared that, after his marriage, the Queen pressed him to 
" importune his wief whether theare were a contracte 
betwene her and the Erie of Leicester, which if it were, 
then she would make him make vpp her honour with a 
marriage or rott in the Tower, and would better the estate 
of Stafforde. She aunswered with greate vowes, greif and 
passion that she had trusted the said Erie to[o] much to 
have any thing to shew to constraine him to marrie her. 
The like she did to the Oueene, and the like to the Erie of 
Sussex ; and that she had tould Stafford the trueth before 
she married him." Elizabeth's hatred of Lady Essex, 

^ On her way to Cornwall, a month after Robert Dudley's birth, she 
met his father at Sahsbury, where he was attending on the Queen. 
He asked her, " How doth my lady and my boy ?" which is the nearest 
approach to an admission of the marriage reported on trustworthy 
authority. But the term " my lady" applied to Lady Sheffield is 
ambiguous, and so long as there was no actual marriage, Leicester 
was no doubt ready enough to save her reputation. Lady Parker, 
moreo\er, though she read the letter of which so much was made in 
evidence, could not say that it was signed "Your loving husband," as 
alleged. The Queen and Leicester were at Salisbury on Sept. 5th, 
1574 (Lodge, ii, p. 43). 

xlvi PREFACE. 

whom she would gladly have humiliated, is quite enough 
to account for her intervention ; while the mention of the 
Earl of Sussex shows that Leicester's enemies were equally 
ready to champion his victim's cause, if she could have 
substantiated her claim to be his wife. 

In the judgment given on May loth, 1605, the Star 
Chamber found that Dudley had been the dupe of Drury, 
who, " to work his own private gains," had induced him to 
believe that his mother's marriage could be proved, having 
overcome his first doubts by the statement which had been 
obtained " by large promises" from Magdalen Salisbury. 
Drury's death had put him beyond reach ; but for later 
developments Sir William Leighton,^ who appears to have 
been Dudley's chief agent in the business, was held mainly 
responsible. He was accordingly fined ^300, while Dr. 
Babington, judge of the Consistory Court at Lichfield, was 
mulcted in loo marks, Magdalen Salisbury- and Henry 
Frodsham in ;^iOO each, and Owen Jones in ^40, all of 
them moreover being committed. What was still more 
serious for Dudley's claim, the last three were "to be ever 
after held suspected in their testimonies," and all deposi- 
tions and other documents were impounded. Dudley and 
his mother were acquitted without even a censure ; but 
there was nothing against them. Lady Sheffield's deposi- 
tions in particular not having been made until after the 
Lichfield suit, beyond which the inquiry did not extend. 

1 He was author of two poems, Vertiic Triumphant, 1603, and The 
Teares or Lamentations of a Sorroivfiill Sou/e, 1613, the latter reissued 
with .... Aliisicall Ayres and Tunable Accents, 1614. His fortunes 
must have been at a low ebb, as he was sued for debts in 1608, and 
outlawed in 1610, and seems to have passed his later days in prison 
{Did. Nat. Biogr.). 

- Lady Sheffield seems to have taken her into her service again, 
and she left her some of her body-linen in her will {Misc. Gen. et Her., 
iii, 1880, p. 370). The will, dated Sept. 14th, 1608, includes a bequest 
of a black velvet bed, etc., to her " honorable and beloved son Sir 
Robert Dudley," who, it will be noticed, is not desijjnated under his 
assumed titles. 



Whatever was the precise legal effect of this judgment, 
practically it barred Dudley from all further prosecution of 
his claim. Although the Court of Arches was still open to 
him, the stigma put upon his witnesses was evidently 
regarded as an obstacle, for a motion was made^ to modify 
its terms in such a way that, whereas "they were censured 
as suspected, they should be set down only as ' subject to 
suspicion.'" The distinction does not seem vital ; but, in 
any case, it was a misfortune that the question of the 
marriage was not argued out on its merits, if only to 
remove the impression of a miscarriage of justice. This 
hope having failed, Dudley gave up the contest, and on 
June 25th he obtained a license to travel for three years 
abroad. When he left England shortly after,- he made a 
fresh sensation by carrying away with him a young maid- 
of-honour and noted beauty, Elizabeth Southwell, dis- 
guised as his page^; and, to add to the scandal and complete 
the ruin of his fortunes in his native land, after they 
had both declared themselves Catholics, he formally mar- 
ried her,^ although his second wife, Alice Leigh, who had 
borne him several daughters, was still living. There is 
no doubt that he was passionately attached to the girl who 
had thrown in her lot with him, and he continued so until 

^ Letter of P. Sandford, June 7th, 1605 (Lodge, ill, p. 163). The 
Earls of Salisbury and Dorset and the Chief Justice spoke against it, 
and the Earl of Northumberland in its favour. 

- He apparently set out July j^^oth (Leader, p. 177), and certainly 
before the 6th (Lodge, iii, p. 167). Adlard and Diet. Nat. Biogr. say 
he was still in England, and meditating a renewal of his suit, four 
months later, but the true date of his letter to Sir A. Atye, on which 
they rely, is Nov. 2nd, 1603, not 1605, and it refers to his intentions 
after the Privy Council stopped the case at Lichfield. 

"^ She was his own first cousin once removed, being a daughter of 
Sir Rob. Southwell, of Woodrising, Norfolk, by Elizabeth, daughter of 
Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 19,149, 
f. 292). 

* As they were cousins, he procured a Papal dispensation, but in 
applying for it he appears to have suppressed the fact that he was 
married already (Leader, p. 50). Later he tried to induce the Pope to 
annul the earlier marriage, but it is not clear whether he succeeded. 

xlviii PREFACE. 

they were parted by death ; but, in his disgust at the issue 
of the trial, he may also have felt a malicious satisfaction 
in doing what his father, as he contended, had been allowed 
to do with impunity. This marriage, undoubtedly bigamous, 
although it was acknowledged abroad as valid, is said to 
have taken place at Lyons ; but after a short stay there 
he made his way to Florence, which became his home until 
his death in 1649. 

Fascinating and full of romance as the story of his life 
in Italy is, it is too large a subject to be fully treated here, 
and little more can be done than to direct attention to the 
valuable new materials for it which are to be found in 
Mr. Temple Leader's recent work. It was not the case, as 
might be thought, that on leaving England he shook its 
dust off his feet in disgust, with the resolve never to return. 
At least down to 1618, the chief cause of his remaining 
abroad was the resentment of the King, fostered no doubt 
by the malice of his enemies and by his own folly. On 
Feb. 2nd, 1607, his license to travel was revoked, with the 
plainly-expressed intention of calling him to account for 
j;iis doings abroad.^ His answer, addressed to his kinsman, 
Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, on April 29th,- is 
so curious and characteristic that, as it has apparently 
never been printed, it may find a place here. 

" My Lord, 

"The Ambassadour to his Maiestie at Venice"' sent hether 
to mee a Privye Scale, which beinge a writinge of Recorde and the 
labell of superscription derogating from my due pretences and 
right which I clayme, being lawful! sonne and heire to my father, 
I durst not open as consenting to, so to receave the same Privie 

1 See the Privy Seal, printed by Adlard, p. 287. 

- Preserved in a contemporary copy in the Public Record Office 
{Cal. of State Papers^ 1603-1610, p. 347). The copyist, as will be 
seen, failed to decipher some of the words. 

^ The well-known .Sir Henry W'otton, who was certainly not a 
" vail), fantastical man,' as Dudley slightinj^ly describes him later on. 

PREFACE. xlix 

Scale, least in so doing it might bee preiudiciall to my right and 
tytle for the premisses. Therfore [I] doe with all humilitie 
returne it herein, which I would not, if it had beene a private 
letter and no Recorde. But with this aunswere I doe returne it, 
that whatsoever it shall please his Maiestie to command mee I 
doe most willingly obey, as his faythfuU and obedient subiect, and 
the least note of any of his Maiesties Councell shall bee sufificient 
to me to obey his Maiesties pleasure and command in all thinges. 
Furthermore, I am to entreat your Lordship to informe his 
Maiestie that these commaunded to delyver the Privie Scale, as 
one Mr. Rooke and one Mr. Winnebancke and Captayne Yorke 
and Mr. Cockeyne, that came with him, and Mr. Stone, these 
amongcst them spred abroad that I was recalled in it to bee 
hcynouslye punished, and that I was one in such disgrace with 
his Maiestie and so hatefull to him and so much mistrusted as the 
Englishe Marchauntes were by them or of them chidden for at all 
comming to mec and commanded not to come to mec in peyne 
of loosinge what they hadd. Mr. Mones, an Englishe Marchaunt, 
came to testifie the same. This is a great disreputacion for mec, 
to bee published over Italy for a traytor and worse, having 
deserved no ill of his Maiestie, I protest to God, in the leest 
thought. Besydes I hold the same course not very honourable 
for his Maiestie to have bruted in his Maiesties name such 
scandalls to a subiect before tryall. I knowe not how his Maiestie 
findeth the service of his Ambassadour, but here the wisest count 
him a vayne fantaslicall man, busye enough, but so full of 
Cornelius Tacitus in his phrases and affection as I may forbeare 
to write or meddle with the censures. 

But to returne to the matter, what are the treasones manifested 
against mce by them? i. That I am a Roman Catholique ; so I 
saye is 20,000 professed in England and good subiectes. 2. That 
I have made a marriage, they saye, questyonable ; so did the Earle 
of Devonshire,^ one of his Maiesties most trusted Privie Councel- 
lours, and the like questiones (they suggested) are in questione 
daylie in the Arches without offence to the state. 3. That abroad 
I take vppon me the tytles of my pretences ; to which I aunswere 

1 Charles Blount, who in 1605, a<;,'-ainst the canon law, married 
Penelope, the divorced wife of Lord Rich. Dudley's case was not 
analogous, as there had been no divorce. 


I maye better doe it abroad, being my vndoubted right, thoughe 
questioned by his Maiestie, then the Lord of Westmerland, the 
Lord Beauchampe and the Lord Mounteagle did, before he hadd 
the graunt from the King, and did it and doe it at home dayHe, 
not only by the examples of this tyme but all other. But I may 
saye I have more reasone to doe it here in all Catholique partes 
then they, bycause I have not only made my full proofe thereof 
in England and past the assaye of the Starchamber and have the 
same examinacions as evidence to defend my right, as no other 
nobleman hath more but these to defend them, but also publique 
storries doe give sufficient testymonie to all the Catholique partes 
of the world by there lawes to account mee lawfull sonne and 
heire to my father, and so consequently Earle of Warwicke and 
Leicester. Yf I hadd no other proofe but that, it were sufficient 
and no more excepted at here then that my Lord of Arrundells 
younger sonne is called Count Arrundell over Germanic. 

Yf these bee all the allegacions my enymies have made against 
mee to his Maiestie, as I presume no man can bee so horrible a lyar 
to speake worse against me, I hope his Maiestie will account my 
enymies report \blank space in original^ and not competent 
witnesse not \blank space in original\ disgrace me over the 
world by recalling mee vppon these reportes, whereby the world 
will censure them true and me so vilde as they reporte. God 
knowes my hart is faythfull to the Kinge and State and not to bee 
withdrawne from it. Therefore my knowledg of myself maketh 
mee presume with confydence this peticion to his Maiestie, that I 
maye both staye abroad with his leave to repayre my reputacion 
abroad and at home, that I am his loyall faythfull subiect, and 
heareafter by that demonstracion given to returne contentedly 
with hope to deserve his Maiesties gratious favoure and not to 
live thus a living death withowt it to returne dowbtfuUy censured 
in disgrace with his Maiestie and so to bee daily wronged by mine 
enymies, which I cannot endure, and the least of these would bee 
to mee the same death. Also I desire most humbly to have 
leave to give my best assistaunce and service to the great Duke of 
Florence, his Maiesties faythfull frend, in all his designes against 
the Turke, or if not leave, that it will not be ill taken. Therebye 
I shall better manifest to his Maiestie how farre I am able to 
serve him and my master the Prince. And thus desiring your 
Lordship to make this relacion for mee in my behalf to his 


Maiestie, I humbly take my leave. From Ligornia, the xxixth of 
Aprill, 1607. 

Your Lordshipps most faythfuU and 
afiectionate kinseman, 

Warwick and L[eycester]." 

" I further pray his Maiestie I may not bee so vsed by his 
Ambassadours and by their spies and ministers." 

One of the charges against him being his assumption of 
the title of an earl, his surrender might have been the 
means of re-opening the whole question of his birth. His 
mad passion for Elizabeth Southwell had, however, put a 
new difficulty in his way. A trial for bigamy now involved 
a greater risk than he probably cared to face^ ; anyhow, he 
did not obey the order of recall, and his estates were there- 
upon sequestrated for contempt. The precise nature of 
his transactions with Prince Henry,- who ultimately bought 
Kenilworth from him for considerably less than its value,^ 
is somewhat obscure ; but he seems to have saved some- 
thing from the wreck of his fortune, and it is satisfactory 
to learn that some provision was also secured by her friends 
for his deserted wife^ and family. All through it is clear that 
he was anxious to return, if only he could first obtain a 
plenary pardon ; but, in spite of Prince Henry's good offices, 
this could not be arranged except under conditions. Writ- 
ing to him on July 30th, 161 2, his former tutor Sir Thomas 

* " If he do marry Mrs. Southwell, it is felony by these last statutes" 
(Letter of Sir F. Leake, July 6th, 1605, Lodge, iii, p. 167). See also 
above, p. v, note 3. 

- See an account of them in Cal. State Papers, 1623- 1626, Appendix, 
p. 546. 

^ In a letter to Sir J. Caesar, Oct. i8th, 1612, he writes: "this is 
my first purchase, and no ill bargain as I conceive" (Birch, Lt/e, 1760, 
p. 319). It is doubtful how much of the purchase-money was actually 

* She was created Duchess Dudley in 1644, by a singular patent, 
in which her husband's legitimacy was admitted. The circumstances, 
however, under which the patent was granted much weaken the 
force of the admission. The Duchess died January 22nd, 1669, 
aged 90. Of her seven daughters, five were alive in 1616 (Adlard, 
p. 286). 

e 2 


Chaloner, now Chamberlain to the Prince, enclosed articles 
agreed upon by James and his son, by " submitting dutifully" 
to which, as he says,"you may forthwith receive that gracious 
pardon which you so much thirst for."^ The terms thus 
sent have not been preserved ; but, so far as their purport 
can be gathered from Chaloner's letter, they were not un- 
reasonable, and, if Henry had not died on November 6th 
following, a reconciliation might perhaps have been effected. 
Left to himself, James was probably less disposed to be 
lenient, and he was no more capable of appreciating 
Dudley's highest qualities than Ralegh's. At the same 
time, besides other grounds for displeasure, he would have 
shown less than his usual shrewdness if he had not seen in 
the violence of his political views the advantage of keeping 
him at a distance. The notorious " Proposition for bridling 
the impertinency of Parliament," which was one of Dudley's 
expedients for gaining favour, seems to have been seriously 
meant, and it no doubt did far more harm than good to his 
cause. This unprincipled scheme for a military tyranny 
in England on the worst mediaeval Italian model was sent 
to James under cover to Sir David Foulis in 1614, and 
submitted to him by the Earl of Somerset. In spite of 
his own tendencies to absolutism, it must fairly have 
staggered him, and nothing more was heard of it until the 
outcry raised by the discovery of a copy in Sir Robert 
Cotton's library in 1629.'^ 

It was more to Dudley's honour, as well as more relevant 
to the subject of the present volume, that in 161 2 he sent 
to the Prince a short paper on the importance to England 
of naval supremacy, the first part enforcing by examples 

1 Adlard, p. 311, where the year is wrongly given as 1621. Chaloner 
died in 161 5, little more than two years after Prince Henry, and 
Dudley thus lost his two best friends. 

^ S. R. Gardiner, Hist, of England, 1603-1642, vii, p. 138. 


the dictum that "whosoever is patron [master] of the sea 
commandeth also on land," and the second dilating on the 
merits of two new vessels of his own invention.^ One of 
these, styled a "gallizabra," was of light draught, carrying 
fifty guns, and driven either by sails or oars ; while of the 
other class, or " galleys royal," he says that they " row as 
swift and sail faster than the English galleys, and in draught 
nearly equal; but for force to fight so far surpassing, as one 
of these, carrying 60 pieces of good ordnance, is able to 
beat 20 galleys." Two years later he offered to the king 
the design for a third new ship of war, termed a " counter- 
galliass," which was "of so wonderful consequence of force 
and swiftness as I dare boldly say the like was never known 
to the world, and wonderfully far beyond those I mentioned 
in my discourse to the Prince."' The fullest account of 
this vessel is given by him in a letter from Pisa, May 8th, 
1614, to Sir David Foulis, where he declares plainly : "One 
thing I resolve yow, that, if it please his Majesty to harkin 
to this greatnes to himselfe, I must pretend to desyre to be 
generall (with that tytle) of such a squadron of these 
vessels as his Majestye shalbe pleased to have, and to be a 
command and goverment by itselfe, not to be under the 
Admirall of England, but as the gallies is in France, a 
different command at sea, nor hazard the reputation of my 
owne workes under the discretion or skill of another."^ 
In connection with the same subject he condescended to 
solicit the interest of the Earl of Somerset, the royal 
favourite, to whom he wrote in these terms : 

1 Printed by Adlard, p. 299. It was enclosed in a letter to Sir 
David Foulis, the Prince's Cofferer, from Florence, November 14th, 

2 From a letter to a friend in London, perhaps Mr. Yates, in Jan. 
16 1 1 (Adlard, p. 304). 

'^ The Fortescue Papers, ed. S. R. Gardiner, Camden Soc, 1871, 
p. 6. He wrote again to Foulis on the subject on July 15th {ib. p. 1 1 ; 
and Adlard, p. 307). 


" My verie good Lorde, 

"I haue herde by manie, but espeacially by one that 
respecteth you much of the worthie courses your Lordship 
taketh for his Maiestie his contries honor and good. For the 
which, as I cane not chouse but honor and loue so much virtue 
and worth, so doe I desier and am bould (though vnknowne to 
your Lordship) to incorage your wilUngnes to walke in such 
worthie steppes, to your perpetuall fame and the comforte of 
them that thirst after nothing more then all happines to his 
gratious Maiestie and his seede for eauer, vnto which if my 
affection or labers can adde anie talent, I shalbe allway readie to 
lay it downe as a tributorie dewty at his Royall feete, and therefor 
will begge at your Lordships hands that by your good meanes I 
may be acceptably made a happie instrument of his Maiesties and 
contries good. I hope that the care of my own reputation wilbe 
able to maynteyne the trust that shalbe put in me concerning the 
performance of what lately I offered his Maiestie for his service, 
wherein my worthie friende Sir Dauie Foules cane informe you 
more particularly. And that offer I made first to his Maiestie 
mearly ought of love and devetie, more then particular eandes 
(sc. ends), for else perchance eare this I might haue spede my 
fortune sufficiently in other partes. My reputation and skill 
(withought ostentation) I doubte not, with the concurrence of your 
Lordships fauour, shall inable me sufficiently to performe what I 
offered, though it might seame strange and difficult by reason of 
the great consequence and importance of the matter for the state 
of England and the securitie thereof, towards which I have made 
longe practise and stvdie, and therefor apply it hereby vnder the 
protection of your greatnes, that I doe most honor by the fame 
of your worthienes, and so not to trowble you with more imperti 
nent discourse, I will remayne 

Your Lordships faythfull frende to 
serue you, 

Warwick & Leycester." 

To this letter,^ the expressions of esteem in which were 
no doubt as thoroughly insincere as they were undeserved, 

Mn the Public Record Office, with the paper below {Cal. State 
Papers^ 1611-18, p. 233). 


Somerset sent a guarded reply on Sept. 12th. Dudley's 
own letter is undated, but it must have been written about 
the same time as the following explanatory paper, dated 
May nth, which perhaps accompanied it. 

" What I i)romise touching the vessell offered his Maiestie, 
if he please to accepte it. 
" First. That the vessell shalbe lesse charge a great dealle then 
anie of his great shippe[s] of 600 tonne, this vessell not passing 
that burthen, but rather lesse. 

" 2. That this vessell for swiftnes shall oughtsayle anie shippe 
or pinace in Englande, anie way by or large {sic), and at the least 
to spare them a mayne topsayle. This I cane promise, though I 
expecte much more. 

" 3. That this vessell shalbe exceadingly stiffe-sided as anie 
ship whatsoeaver, and sufficiently well conditioned for the English 
seas, to defende the stat and, if neade be, offende farther of, and 
shall not passe in draught, being laden, 10 feet or 1 1 at most, and 
most harde or impossible to be sunck with the enimies ordinance 
under water. 

" 4. That these vessells may be kepte in an arsinall, like 
Galliazzes, vnder arches, dry, and so kepte with littell charge and 
induer longe. 

"5. That this vessell shall carie 90 or 100 peices of brasse, 
whereof the least a saker ; and [the] lower tyer shall carie 40 or 
44 Italian Demicanos of 30 /. waght Italian bullet, which is 20 /. 
Inglish, which peace {sc. piece) for the sea passeth all other 
Demicannos, and made after my fassion will not passe 300 /. waght 
Inglish or thereaboutes, and be most secure, by profe she shal carie 
at least 30 demicolverins, the rest sakers. The lower tyer at the mid- 
shippe or lowest parte wilbe 3 feet from the water or thereaboutes. 
" 6. That the vessell shall nauigate on square sayles and is 
contriued to rowe as well as the ancient Galliazzes ; yet you may 
vse the same vessell withought owers at your pleasure ; in fine it 
hath the benefitte of one and the other. 

" 7. That these vessell haue much more succor for men then 
Galliazzes, but lesse then shippes, caring {sc. carrying) littell carueld 
worke, to make them rowe and sayle so fast as promised, which quali- 
tie at sea gayneth the victorie, so as with this ordinance promised 
find swiftenes she may well fight with anie 2 shippes, I meane not to 


borde them, but with the advantages of her quahtie and ordinance 
to sincke them, and therefor are intended for battayles principally 
to defende the statte or offende an enimie or principal! seruises, 

" 8. These [vessells] nauigated with owers neade 700 men at 
least, rowers and all, but withought owers 300 men wilbe 
sufificiente, soe this vessell cane nauigate eather with owers or 
withought. This vessell nauigating with owers cane not carie 
aboue 3 or 4 months vittells, as a Galliaze doth, but withought 
rowers may carie for 9 months vitling with wine and water. 

" 9. The infinite vse and benefit of these vessells his Maiestie 
may iudge of, eather to offende or defende, by there fietenes, 
swiftnes and great force of ordinance, which is all the secret in 
this manner of garbe and proportion, to make a vessell carie so 
much ordinance withought hindring her sayling or good qualities. 

" 10. That this vessell is builded by a new meanes of arte and 
architecture, which I have proued in other vessells, but far 
different and [with] more difificultie then that of Inglande or Italy 
or anie other conterie, but by so sure a rule as served by making 
one the master carpenter cane not fayle to make the same 
qualities in as manie as he maketh, which is a matter of wonderfull 
consequence allso ; for the best carpenters of Englande, if they 
make 20 shippes, they wilbe all different in qualities one from the 
other, and so in other contries, because these rules are not 
secured, and the shippes of Englande, being the walles of 
Chr[istendom], shalbe a securitie of the greatnes thereof. The 
offer performed, as I am secure to doe what [is] here written (and 
wilbe a meane to make good), his Maiesties wisdome cane best 
iudge of the consequence hereof and what the seruice deserueth. 
Therefor [I] doe subscribe it and write it with my owne hande as 
an obgligo (sc. obligo) by my worde to be able to performe what 
[is] here written. Dated, the 11 of May, 16 14. 

" Ro. Dud[ley] & L[eicest]er." 

Whether the result would have quite answered Dudley's 
promises is extremely doubtful. So far as appears, James 
took no notice of his offers of service, even so far as to lay 
them before experts ; and it is useless to speculate what 
might have been the effect upon the English Navy if he 
had been allowed full scope for his inventive genius, but 
somewhat too vivid imagination, in its dockyards. 

\ C' ., , . J^l ^ . \\>^yPREFACE. Ivii 

From his first going to Italy, probably at the end of 
1606, he applied himself to shipbuilding more seriously 
than there is any reason to believe was the case before he 
left England. He arrived in fact at Florence at an oppor- 
tune moment, when the Grand Duke Ferdinand I, assisted 
by the Knights of St. Stephen, was bent upon ridding the 
Mediterranean of the Barbary and other corsairs which 
preyed upon its commerce. The singular appeal which 
Dudley addressed to him for protection is one of Mr. 
Leader's most interesting documents,^ and nothing in it 
was better calculated to ensure its success than the promi- 
nence it gave to his practical knowledge of shipbuilding 
and naval affairs. Whatever view Ferdinand may have 
taken of the applicant's grandiose scheme to make him 
absolute master of the Levant, he was quick to appre- 
ciate his talents and personal charm, and the favour he 
showed to him was fully continued, after his own death in 
February, 1609, by his son, Cosmo II. As early as March, 
1608, Dudley had built the SaJi Giovanfii Battista^ of 
sixty-four guns, which, as he boasts, became from her 
speed and powerful armament the terror of the Turks ;' 
and there could hardly be a more striking proof of the 
Grand Duke's high opinion of him than the attempt in 
1607 to entice to Italy his old instructor, Matthew Baker, 
master-shipwright at Deptford.^ Nor were his services 
limited to the construction and improvement of the Tuscan 

^ Leader, p. 181. It is in French, and bears no date. 

2 Leader, p. 54. She was a " rambargio" of his second symmetry, of 
which the curious in such matters may see a description and plan in 
the Arcano del Mare^ lib. iv, p. 22. He gives an instance of her 
prowess in lib. iii, p. 13 : "For example, the S. Giovatuii Battista was 
a " rambargio" of the author's invention ; and with one or two com- 
panions of small consideration she fought with the armada of the 
Grand Turk, numbering forty-eight galleys and two Diao/ie, which are 
Turkish galliasses, and put them to flight with great loss of Turks, as 
is very well known." 

2 Letter of Lotti, the Florentine Agent in London, May 23rd, 1607 
(Leader, p. 55). 


navy.* He is said to have at once recognised the advan- 
tages of developing Leghorn as a commercial port, so that, 
in Anthony Wood's words, " Leghorne, which was a small 
town, grew by his endeavours a great city on a suddain." 
" And I have heard," the same writer proceeds, " from some 
living who have frequented those parts that this our author 
R. Dudley was the chief instrument that caused the said 
Duke not only to make it firm, but also to make it a scala 
franca, that is a free port, and of settling an English 
factory there, and of drying the fens between that place 
and Pisa." In these statements there is probably some 
exaggeration. The rapid growth of Leghorn was un- 
doubtedly due to the enlightened policy of Ferdinand I,^ 
who had the true commercial instincts of the Medici ; if 
he was influenced, however, by Dudley, it could have only 
been in the last two years of his reign (i 587-1609), when 
the prosperity of the port was already achieved. At the 
same time, it is undeniable that Leghorn was the scene of 
some of Dudley's engineering feats. In the Arcano del 
Mare* he claims the credit of designing the mole, and he 
enlarges still more upon the subject in a remarkable 
account of himself and his family, written in 1628, when he 
was called upon to prove his son Antonio's nobility. He 
there boasts that he had completed the work at compara- 
tively small expense and within twelve years, whereas 
similar works had taken ages and cost millions of seudi ; 

^ Much matter of interest on this subject will be found in Mr. 
Leader's two chapters, " Dudley as a Shipbuilder," and " Dudley as 
Master of Marine," with the appendix of documents. 

2 Athene^ Oxonienses, iii, col. 259. 

^ Galluzzi dates its rise from the shelter given there by Ferdinand 
to English privateers during the war with Spain in the reign of 
Elizabeth {Istoria del Granducato di Toscana, 178 1, iii, p. 509). See 
also Gino Capponi, Storia delta Rep. di Firenze, 1875, ii, p. 495. 

* Lib. vi, p. 5, and map vi. For a facsimile of the autograph docu- 
ment of 1628, see Leader, p. 134. 


and, as the facts at the time must have been well known, 
he probably spoke no more than the truth. 

As his position and emoluments at Florence became 
more assured, and his family by Elizabeth Southwell 
increased,^ he must have chafed less at his exile, and 
during the last thirty years of his life he was practically an 
Italian noble bearing an English title. The hopelessness 
of its ever being recognised in England was strongly 
impressed upon him in 1618, when his old opponent, Lord 
Sidney, already Viscount Lisle, was created Earl of Leicester, 
and on the same day (Aug. 2nd) Robert Rich was created 
Earl of Warwick. Dudley's retort to this affront was 
ingenious and characteristic. Through his influence with 
the Grand Duchess Maria Maddalena, whose Grand Cham- 
berlain he was, he procured from her brother, the Emperor 
Ferdinand II, on March 9th, 1620, a patent which enabled 
him, with some show of authority, to assume the still higher 
title of Duke of Northumberland. The character of this 
patent, a copy of which was prefixed to the Arcano del 
Mare, has, however, been somewhat misunderstood. In 
effect, it is not creative, as it is generally described, but 
merely declaratory, the Emperor recognising Dudley 
throughout his dominions as Duke of Northumberland- on 
the ground of his being legitimate heir of his grandfather, 
whose attainder was ignored. At the same time, Dudley's 
personal merits were fully set forth in the preamble, being 
made to include not only his " singular integrity of life and 
morals, prudence, knowledge of affairs, and rare and 

^ In all he had by her seven sons and five daughters, the second 
son, Carlo, succeeding him in 1649 as Duke of Northumberland. The 
Duchess, his wife, as she was always reputed at Florence, died 
September 13th, 1631 (Leader, p. 108). 

- " Tanquam descendentem ab avo suo paterno Joanne, comite a 
Warwich, libere et inconftscabi/iter create Duce Northumbriit." The 
patent, in the wording of which Dudley's hand is plainly visible, is 
printed also by Leader, p. 197. Leicester's name is not mentioned. 


ingenious inventions," but his more questionable sufferings 
for the Catholic religion. Although by this crowning act 
of presumption^ he finally cut himself off from all hope of 
pardon, he did not cease to press his pecuniary claims 
upon the English Government through the Florentine 
Agent, Salvetti. As his efforts were unsuccessful, he had 
recourse, in 1627, to an extraordinary measure for obtain- 
ing redress ; for, in order to recover the full value of his 
estates with interest, he obtained from the Ecclesiastical 
Court at Florence a sentence for reprisals upon English 
merchants, not being Catholics, at Leghorn.^ It is difficult 
to see what point of religion was involved, which would 
justify the interference of the Church. Dudley, however, 
always posed abroad as a Catholic martyr, and the feeling 
against the concession of trading privileges to heretic 
strangers was evidently not yet extinct. Nor was the 
sentence intended to be merely an empty threat. Natu- 
rally enough, the then Grand Duke, Ferdinand II, was not 
disposed to sacrifice the English trade, and perhaps risk a 
war, for Dudley's private benefit ; but, even when he 
opposed execution, Dudley did not desist. Assured of the 
support of the clergy, he carried the matter to Rome, 
where the sentence was confirmed, and it required unwonted 
firmness on the Grand Duke's part to nullify its effect. 
Whether in consequence of these proceedings or in spite 
of them, it appears that, in 1633, Salvetti after all succeeded 
in obtaining for Dudley some compensation for his losses. 
The rest of Dudley's life belongs solely to Italy and 
may be passed over, but, before concluding, a few words 
must be given to his magnificent work LArcano del Mare, 
which is his most enduring memorial. As Mr. Leader has 

^ Salvetti, writing from London, pointed out the folly and impolicy 
of it, ridiculing Dudley's fondness for empty titles (Leader, p. 93). 

■•^ Galluzzi, Pp. cit., iii, p. 502 ; Leader, p. 94. 

PREFACE. r,lxi 

pointed out, the germ or basis of it is to be found in three 
manuscript volumes preserved, with some of his nautical and 
other scientific instruments, in the Specola, or Museum of 
Natural History, at Florence. The first two of these 
volumes are in English, and were written about 1610 ; the 
third, in Italian,^ seems to have been added ten years later, 
as the author speaks of himself as a Duke and of Cosmo 1 1, 
who died in 1621, as still living. A prefatory note in it, 
after referring to the seven "symmetries" in shipbuilding, 
which it apparently attributes to Abram Kendall, goes on 
thus : 

"As to the art of Architecture, in regard to the above said 
symmetries, the Duke has written an entire volume with figures 
of many kinds of vessels, but it is written in the English language. 
About the fortifications of Ports, and the method of doing so, he 
has also written in English, for at that time, about 16 10, the 
Duke did not know enough of the Italian tongue to write that 
volume in the Volgare but perhaps he will do so when he has 
the leisure. He has also written a larger volume than these, on 
the true and real art of navigation ; but this was written in 
England, with many curious mathematical and astronomical 
figures, and other things never before seen, such as nautical 
Instruments for the observation of the variations of longitude and 
latitude, and others for the horizontal and spiral Navigation, and 
about the Great Circles. Of these, however, common sailors 
understand little, as also about the marine management and 
discipline, and about sea fighting and squadrons, which are amply 
treated in these volumes." 

The mention of a treatise on navigation written before 
he left England is of special interest, as this is the only 
knowledge we have of such a work ; and it is to be hoped 
that, attention having now been called to it, the manuscript 
may yet be recovered. With regard to its matter, this was 
no doubt embodied later in the Arcano del Mare, as was the 

^ So Mr. Leader (p. 60) ; but, although he quotes its title in Italian 
and translates the prefatory note, he gives the opening passage in 
EngHsh which is evidently the author's own. 


case with the contents of the three volumes at Florence. 
The latter deal with no less than thirty-four " symmetries," 
or classes of vessels, as well as with the " fortefiing and 
ordering of ports" and other kindred subjects, the whole 
corresponding to the third and fourth books of the Arcano 
del Mare as given below. The author's high opinion of 
his own work was frankly expressed, as was usual with 
him, and an interesting passage in the introduction to the 
third volume thus concludes : 

" Not to diverte the reader from the matter, I will only secure 
him that whatsoever is conteyned in this worke is different from 
the orders of all others in these simetries, as well from those in 
England as in these other parts, and not taught me by anie, 
but invented merely (with God's assistance) by the practise, 
experiens and knowledge it hath pleased his Infinite Goodness to 
imploy in me and afforde by my practise, contemplations and 
studies herein, and therefor [I] doe desier the practise and 
imploymente thereof may be cheafly for God's service to the 
suppression of all, as I intend, infidelitie." 

Another unpublished work from Dudley's pen, the 
Direttorio Marittvno, has already been mentioned (p. xii). 
It is described by Mr. Leader, the present owner of the 
original MS., as having been written for the use and in- 
struction of officers of the Tuscan navy, and includes most 
of the subjects treated in the Arcano del Mare, such as navi- 
gation generally and great circle sailing, the discipline and 
management of a fleet, etc. As Mr. Leader quotes from it 
a reference by name to the larger work, it can hardly, as he 
supposes, have preceded it, but must be an abridgement. 

It was not until 1646, three years before his death, and 
when he was seventy-two years of age, that Dudley began 
to publish to the world the result of his fifty years' study 
and practical experience of all matters connected with the 
sea. The comprehensive character of his work may be 
seen from its title-page, as follows : 





Ncl primo de' quali si tratta della Longitudine praticabile 
in diuersi modi, d'inuenzione dell' Autore, 

Nel Secondo, delle Carte sue generali, e de' Portolani 
rettificati in Longitudine, e Latitudine, 

Nel Terzo, della Disciplina sua Marittima, e Militare, 

Nel Quarto, dell' Architettura sua Nautica di Vascelli da 


Nel Quinto, della nauigazione scientifica, e perfetta, cioe 
Spirale, 6 di gran Circoli, 

Nel Sesto, delle Carte sue Geografiche, [Corografiche]^ 
e Particolari. 




suo Signore. 

{Here is a plate of an elaborate Mariner's Compass). 

In FIRENZE, Nella Stamperia di Francesco 

Onofri. 1646. 

Con licenza de' SS. Supenori. 

' This word was accidentally omitted and has been supplied from 

vol. iii, pt. ii. 


In English : " Six Books of the Sea'ct of the Sea, by 
Robert Dudley, Duke of Northumberland and Earl of 
Warwick ; in the first of which he treats of longitude to be 
found in various ways, of the author's invention ; in the 
second, of his general maps and of portolani rectified in 
longitude and latitude ; in the third, of his maritime and 
military discipline ; in the fourth, of his naval architecture 
of vessels of war ; in the fifth, of scientific and perfect 
navigation, that is spiral or by great circles ; in the sixth 
of his geographical maps, [chorographical] and particular. 
Dedicated to the Most Serene Ferdinand II, Grand Duke 
of Tuscany, his lord." Of the three volumes, the first two, 
containing Books l-iv, are uniform in size (12 ins. by 9 ins.) 
and were published together in 1646 ; the third, published 
in 1647, is in two parts, the first part (i8i ins, by 13 ins.) 
containing Book V, and the second part (2i| ins. by 
i5Hns.) containing Book vi. Unlike the Direttorio Marit- 
tiino, the work has no autobiographical dedication. Without 
a word of preface, the author begins with the statement 
that the secret of navigation is the finding of the longitude, 
and proceeds to give various rules for it, which he claims 
to have himself discovered. In the second edition, pub- 
lished after his death in two huge quartos^ at Florence, 
1 66 1, a preface is supplied with the title " Delle Scicnze 
Matematiche che entrano nell' opera dell' Arcano del 
Mare Discorso proemiale del Duca de Nortumbria." In 
the first edition this discourse is placed at the end of the 
whole work as an appendix. 

Although much of the matter throughout is of too 

^ They are of the same dimensions as vol. iii, pt. ii of the first edition, 
so as to include all the plates without folding. One of the two copies in 
the British Museum is dedicated, not to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
but to the Republic of Venice, and includes a dedicatory epistle to 
the Doge by the editor, Antonfrancesco Lucini {cf. Leader, p. 121). 
Lucini, who engraved the plates, states that he had spent twelve 
years on the work, and used no less than 5,000 pounds of copper. 


technical a nature for its originality and scientific value to 
be determined b\' any but experts, no one can fail to be 
struck by the extent and variety of the author's learning, 
and the pertinence of many of his observations. At the 
same time, the text is not the most bulky, or even perhaps 
in some respects the most important, part of the work.^ 
Its value is greatly enhanced by the very large number of 
engraved plates, which include all kinds of nautical, astro- 
nomical and mathematical instruments, diagrams for navi- 
gating and other purposes, plans of ships, fortifications, 
etc., and, above all, maps or charts. Some of the last are 
included with the curious Portolani, or books of sailing 
directions, which, with chapters on winds, currents and 
tides, changes of weather, etc., form the contents of Book ii ; 
but the majority, numbering 127 in all, make up the 
separate atlas in Book VI, fifty-four of them being devoted 
to Europe, seventeen to Africa, twenty-three to Asia, and 
thirty-three to America, with an explanatory note, fre- 
quently of some length, in each case. A fair idea of their 
character and utility may be obtained from Map xiii of 
America, which has been reproduced for this volume; and 
an English version of the accompanying text, from which 
it appears that the map was first published by Dudley in 
1637, is printed as an appendix (p. 93). The text referring 
to Map xiv, which continues the coast of Guiana and Brazil 
to the east of the Amazon, will also be found in the same 
place, its chief value lying in the particulars which it gives 
of an otherwise unknown voyage of exploration to Guiana 
by Captain Richard Thornton, who was sent out by the 
Grand Duke Ferdinand I in September, 1608. Probably 
owing to Ferdinand's death before his return in June, 1609, 
nothing came of the expedition, but the fact of its being 
made so soon after Dudley's arrival at Florence affords 

^ Vol. iii, pt. i, for instance, has 1 17 plates to thirty-four pages only of 
text, which contain little more than brief explanations of the figures. 



curious proof, not only of his continued interest in Guiana 
after he left England, but of his success in impressing his 
views upon his Italian patron. 

One other feature of the Arcano del Mare calls for some 
notice. The work offered a wide field for the display of 
the author's excessive vanity, which must be taken into 
account in all his statements about himself It was this 
foible, as much as anything, that brought about his mis- 
fortunes, and it seems to have grown upon him as he 
advanced in years. At the same time, the brilliant talents 
and other personal advantages which under a happier fate 
might have raised him to eminence in his own country 
were marred by more serious faults of character. Any 
suspicions that attach to him in relation to his attempt to 
prove his legitimacy may be disregarded as unproven, but 
nothing can excuse his heartless desertion of his wife and 
family, and the utter lack of principle shown in the 
political project which he laid before James I justifies 
Horace Walpole's reflection,^ that his exile was perhaps 
fortunate both for himself and the state. 

In conclusion, grateful acknowledgment is due to the 
Marquis of Bath and to Lord De Lisle and Dudley for the 
loan of their important papers bearing upon the question 
of Robert Dudley's birth; and to the Marquis of Salisbury 
for permission to include in the volume a facsimile of the 
letter to Sir Robert Cecil, his ancestor, which is printed on 
p. xxxv. I have also to thank Mr. William Foster, Honorary 
Secretary to the Hakluyt Society, and my colleagues, Mr. 
Edward Scott, Mr. A. Hughes- Hughes, and Mr. J. E. Her- 
bert, for friendly assistance in other ways. 

G. F. W. 

1 Royal and Noble Authors^ ed. 1806, v, p. 339. Lord Roos, 
writing from Florence, Nov. 25th, 1612, no doubt expressed the 
opinion of many of his contemporaries in the words, " I love many 
good parts that are in Sir Robert Dudley, but dislike many evil ones" 
(Birch, Life of Henry ^ Prince of IVales^ 1760, p. 321). 





At a. c<'M<_ 

n -« .«< wr c **-* 


X*^ WV-^^-^. 










N the yeare of our Lord God 1594 
a voyage was determined by that 
Honorable gentleman Robert 
Duddeley, sonn and hcire unto the 
Right Honorable Robert, Earle of 
Leicester, [Leiftenante of all her 
Majesties fortes and forces beyonde 
the seas, Lord High Stewarde of all her Majesties 
Howscholde, Knight of the most honorable order of the 
Garter,]^ for the South Sea ; but man pourposeth and God 
disposeth, for so it fell out by the proceedings of this 
noble gentleman, who, havinge allmost finished shippinge 
serviceable for that viage, was forste to surcease that and 
to begin other more convenient for his viage newlie pre- 
tended, which was unto the West Indies, beinge by 
spcciall commaunde contradicted of her Majestic from the 
former, as tenderinge'- the ripenes of his yeares, and 

1 The words within brackets have been scored through with a pen. 
Leicester died on 4 September, 1588. 

- In the sense of "prizing" or "vahiing highly," as in Shakespeare, 
e.g., " He shall not die, so much we tender him," Com. of Errors., v. i. 


.Cfi- jf>-^-. 





N the ycare of our Lord God 1594 
a voyage was determined by that 
Honorable gentleman Robert 
Duddeley, sonn and heire unto the 
Right Honorable Robert, Earle of 
Leicester, [Lciftenante of all her 
Majesties fortes and forces beyonde 
the seas, Lord High Stewarde of all her Majesties 
Hovvseholde, Knight of the most honorable order of the 
Garter,]^ for the South Sea ; but man pourposeth and God 
disposeth, for so it fell out by the proceedings of this 
noble gentleman, who, havingc allmost finished shippinge 
serviceable for that viage, was forste to surcease that and 
to begin other more convenient for his viage ncwlie pre- 
tended, which was unto the West Indies, beinge by 
speciall commaunde contradicted of her Majestic from the 
former, as tenderinge'- the ripenes of his yeares, and 

1 The words within brackets have been scored through with a pen. 
Leicester died on 4 September, 1588. 

- In the sense of "prizing" or "vakimg highly," as in Shakespeare, 
e.g., " He shall not die, so much wc tender him," Coin, of Errors, v. i. 



yealdinge, allthough hardlie, unto the latter, not doubtinge 
but that experience might worke a most excellent per- 
fection in him, whome nature had made singuler. Thus 
licensed of his most gratious soveraigne, he toke his leave 
from courte, with the consente of a few for his departure, 
but with the praier of all for his safe returne. Havinge 
allreadie sent his provision unto Southampton by his 
servants the which shouldc give attendance on him in this 
viage, hee sett forwardc himselfe and came unto Hampton, 
where retayninge a sufficient and able companie, not 
without his great chardge for the througlie manninge of 
his shippinge for the viage, [hee] gave a speciall com- 
maundement unto all his companies that they shoulde 
generallie provide themselves to goe with him the Sonday 

3 Nov. followinge, beinge the thirde day of November, to the 
church and theare accompany^ him for the reverent 
receavinge of the Holie Communion, and after at his 
chardge to dine with him all togeather, as members united 
and knitt togeather in one bodie. The which beinge 
accomplished, on the Wednesdaie followinge, beinge the 

6 Nov. sixte of the same moneth in the yeare aforenamed, [hee] 
caused his shippinge to disanker from the Rode afore 
Hampton (the which amonge the marriners, beinge the 
first breakinge of grownde, is adjudged the beginninge of 
the viage) unto Heeve,- a harber more convenient, as well 
both for the doublinge of the maine continent of Englande 
over against the He of Weight, as allsoe for the receavinge 
aborde of such victuall the which was to be transported 
from thence for our viage, lyinge in this harber aborde the 

Dudley was only twenty-one at the time. In his own account he 
modestly attriljutes the Queen's refusal to her fears for those wliom 
he would have taken with him on so hazardous a voyage. 

^ MS. accompaninge. The author, as will be seen, has a special 
fondness for the present participle, which in order to make sense must 
be changed into a finite tense. 

- Hythe, on the western side of Southampton Water, 


good shipp called the Peregrine} bcingc admcrall, of the 
burden of nine score or theare abouts, and his vicc- 
admerall called the Beares Whelpe, of the burden of foure 
score, with two small pinnesses, all of his owne proper 
chardges, leavinge behinde him in the rode of Hampton 
the shipp called the Merninyde, of the burden of an hun- 
dred, to com after him, beinge his reare-admerall. 

Havinge laine in this harber of Heeve untill the xvi. of i6 Nov. 
this moneth, the winde cominge abouts, he determined to 
sett saile, fallinge somthinge nearer unto the pointc 
untell the next day; the which beinge the xviith day of ry Noy. 
the same monthe, and for that it was a day of triumph 
for the Queenes coronacion,^ it was sollemnised by us with 
all our great ordenance, the which was re-answcared by 
the Queenes ordenance out of Callshott Castle, and under 
which castle wee then did anker, for that the ebb drew 
on soe fast, and night approchinge our master thought 
it not good to turne downe the channell, the tide beinge 
soe far spent, with a shipp of soe great a burden. Wheare- 
upon our Generall concluded that the vice-admerall with 
her pinness should sett saile and make for Plimworth 
before, theare to take aborde such provision of victuall 
which was theare provided for the throughlie furnishinge 
of her for her viage. The which commaunde was noe 
soener given him in chardge, but with as great speed [it] 
was accomplished, leavinge us at an anker under Callshott 

1 This is one of the rare occasions on which Wyatt's narrative of 
the voyage is at variance with the other two. Dudley calls his ship 
the Bcar^ of 200 tons ; but perhaps this was merely a chang^e of name, 
suggested by his father's well-known de\ice of the Bear and Ragg'^ed 
Staff. It will be seen below (p. 28) that he gave the name Port Pere- 
grine to a bay in Trinidad. He says nothing of the Mermaid^ but he 
he adds that the Bear's Whelp was commanded by Captain Munck, 
and he gives the names of the pinnaces as the Friskmg and the 
Earwig. Kendall speaks of the Great Bear., of 300 tons, and the 
Little Bear only. 

- Her accession is meant; she was not crowned until 15 January, 

B 2 


Castle, wheare wee lay untell the last of the ebb, and soe, 
takinge the benifitt of the tyde and winde, wee doubled 
the pointe and came up as far as Gurned/ wheare wee lay 
that night, hopinge to pass the next day through the 
Needles with the less dainger. 
1 8 Nov. And the next morninge, beinge readie to sett saile, wee 
might discry two great shipps comminge down the 
Channell, the which shipps when they weare discricd by 
our companie to be noe English shippinge, and withall 
beinge judged to be men of war and that of noe small 
burden, our Generall commaunded to wave them, and 
halinge them with his noyse of trumpetts made them 
know theire dwtie unto our English collers by vailinge 
theire topsailes, and withall caused a bote to be manned 
forth and sent aborde them two of his companie to know 
what they weare, from whence, and wheather (sc. whither) 
they weare bownde. Who made us this answear, that 
• they weare of Anserdam, and that they came from the 
service of Brest, and withall delivered the truth of that 
honorable, allthough blooddy, service theare accomplished 
by our Englishmen,- and how they had left five of the 
T Queenes shippinge in Plimworth Rode, wheare wee fownde 
-^ them "when wee theare aryved. Returninge with thease 
advertisements unto our Generall, wee plied for Plimworth, 
and wee had noe soener passed the Needles but wee mctt 
with the Scottish and Burteus^ fleet bownde for Scotlande 

^ Gurnard Bay, in the Isle ofWight, west of Cowes. 

2 In August, 1594, an expedition in support of Henry IV was dis- 
patched under Sir John Norris for the reHef of Brest, which was 
besieged by the Spaniards. Sir John's own Journal of his proceed- 
ings from his landing on i September to 12 November is in Brit. 
Mus. Stowe MS. 166, fol. 159. The Spanish fort near Crozon was 
besieged from i October to 7 November, when it was taken by assault 
with some loss. Sir Martin Frobisher, who commanded at sea, was 
among the wounded, and died soon after reaching Plymouth. See 
also the pamphlet Nnues f7-oin Brest, 1594 [5]. 

^ No cloubt for " Burdens," i.e. Bordeaux. " Burgis " is the district 
of BourgL'S, with capital Bourg, on the (lironde and Dordogne. " Le 
vin surtoul du Bourgez est fort cstime" (Expilly, Diet. Geogr., i, p. 758). 


from Burgis, of whom our Gencrall had a hogschead of 
new Gaskin wine bestowed on him. The ^liich beinge 
taken aborde, wee spcdiHc sailed and safelie arived in the 
Sownde of Plimworth on the xixth da)', bcinge Twseday, 19 Nov. 
wheare wee mett with our vice-admcrall. Who havinge 
receaved commaundemcnt from our Generall to this effect, 
that he shoukle give summans to his men to com aborde 
for that they shoulde sett saile for the cost of Spaine, the 
winde beinge soe fayre, the next Thursedaie, beinge the 
21 day, our admerall disankored and hoyscd saile, not 21 Nov. 
doubtinge but it woulde be a cause to make our vice- 
ad meralls men the more wilHnge to hasten forwarde ; , 
whose negligence caused our Generall to turne to wind- 
warde and lie at hull betweene the Deadman and the 
Ediston all that night with much winde, and withall to 
send his pinness to hasten them away. The next day, 
beinge Friday, both the Beares Whclpe with the two 22 Nov. 
pinnesses came and mett our Generall, and all togeather 
wee sett forwarde towards the cost of Spaine. But wee 
had not run past some fifty leagues into the sea but- wee 
weare incountred with a most bitter storme, with the winde 
soe contrarie unto our courses that wee weare forceablie 
driven perforce to make back againe for the cost of 
Engiande, and, beinge seperated, wee with our pinness 
[came] into Plimworth, our consort and her pinness into 
Famouth. And while the winde was thus contrarie unto 
our courses, our Generall laie in Cattvvater, refreshed his 
men, and withall renued his store of victuall, lyinge thearc 
in this harber of Plimworth untcU the first of December, 1 Dec 
beinge Sonday. Upon which day, havinge a north-east 
winde, wee once againe disankored and sett saile for the 
cost of Spaine, havinge two dales before dispatched a post 
by land unto the vice-admerall that they shoulde likewise 
sett saile, first for the Canaries and then Cape Blanke. 
And thus puttinge forth into the sea, the winde in- 

6 ROBERT Dudley's 

creased^ in soe outragious a manner that night that it bred 
some disHke of our men beinge aborde the pinness, which 
caused them all to com aborde the admerall, determininge 
to towe the pinness ; but the billowes of the sea vveare 
throwne up with such vehemencie of the winde that they 
quicklie overwhelmed her, and beinge suncke into the 
unsatiable bowells of the merciles sea, wee weare without 
hope of ever recoveringe her againe. Thus havinge lost 
her, not without the great sorrow of our men, wee passed 
on forwarde towards Spaine, givinge chase everie day, 
untell wee came unto the cost of Calitie," the which wee 
3 Dec. discried on Twseday, beinge the thirde of December. The 
next day, beinge Wednesday, runninge to make the lande, 
wee founde it to be the Groyne ; the next lande was Sysarck, 
then the Staggs of Mountjoye, and soe alonge the cost to 
Cape Finister. The which Cape wee had noe soener doubled 
but wee had sight of viii. or ix. great saile of shippes, the 
which had they not bin discovered to have bin Flemmings 
wee had given them chase. Our Generall, unwillinge to 
lose anie time, plied up alonge by the high lande of 
Camena^ and soe to the rock, wheare wee had the first 
chase that wee might justlie aver the reprisoll of, yett not 
failinge anie day before of his chase, if they had bin such 
whereof* wee might without violatinge the injunctions of 
our commission have avowched the takinge. But this 
before-mentioned Spaniarde, perceavinge the imminent 
dainger ensewinge and seinge noe way to avoyde it but 
either by submission expect for mercye at the conquerours 
feet or by subverssion of his enimie make himselfe free 

^ MS. incrcasinge. 

^ (laliria. " Sysarck " l)rlo\v is for the Sisargas Islands, west of 
Coruiia or " the Groyne." 

•^ Caminha, to the south of the mouth of the Minho, the "rock" 
being Cape Roca. 

■* InterUned, the original reading being "as that," with "of them" 
at the end of the sentence. 


from bcingc captivated, Icfte both thcase waics, as not 
fittinge his proud huinor, cschcwinge the one as iinwiUinge 
to brooke servitude and shunninge the other as not able 
to withstande our forces, [and] made triall of a thirdc, 
which was to worke theire safetie by desaitefull poUecie, a 
fitt subject for base abjects to worke strainge stratagems, 
yett the usuall occupation of Spanish practises. But to 
my purpose. Beinge in this dilemma, and driven vvithall 
to this forced conclusion by necessitie, they bore up with 
us, puttinge forth an English flagg, keeping his men soe 
close that they might not soe much as seeme to bee 
Spaniards. But wee seinge her to be a flibote^ standinge 
with us, bearinge in her top the English collers, supposed 
them at the least to be some Irishmen bounde for 
Lisborne ; neither might anie have perswaded themselves 
otherwyse of them, soe freindlike did shee presume of our 
courtesie. But beinge noe soener past us, and pcrceavinge 
that, if wee should cast aboute after them, wee might 
hazarde the bouldginge'' of our selves, beinge a shipp of 
soe great a burden and withall soe neare the Rock, they 
then begin to disclose themselves, abusinge that most 
contemptuouslie which before they had most safelie, 
allthough craftelie, used for theire safegarde, by takinge 
theire English flagg, by whom they had theire safe pass, 
from theire top and hanging^ it at theire sterne most 
disdainefullie. The which our Generall toke mightelie 
offensive, yeat at that time coulde not remedie it, but with 
himselfe concluded a revenge, the which he determined to 
put in execution within a few daies followinge. 

^ A fly-boat, the Dutch Vlicboot, the real deri\ation of which, 
according to Murray's Nev Engl. Dict.^ has no reference to speed, 
but to the Vile, or channel out of the Zuyder Zee, where such small 
vessels were employed. 

- To bulge = to stave in the bottom of a ship (^Ncw Engl. DicL). 

^ MS. hanL'ed. 


Thus passinge alonge the cost by Cascaks^ and soe by 
Cape Pitcher, then by Mounte Checo, [wee] made^ such 
12 Dec. expedition that by the xii'^ of this moneth wee weare at 
Cape St. Vincent, and passinge by Cape Saker wee came 
unto the bay of Lawgust, which was the place wheare our 
Generall had determined to crie quittance for that abuse 
offred unto us by the Spaniarde ; which was after this 
manner. In the eaveninge he sent of {sc. off) his bote, com- 
mittinge the chardge unto Captaine Wood,^ sendinge with 
him Mr. Comley, Mr. PhilHps, Mr. Crale, Mr. Norris, with 
divers others of his best musketers. Aboute the dead 
time of the night they putt of into the barbers, whearein 
when they weare entred they weare praesentlie discried 
by the Spanish centronells ; for, as it shoulde seeme, the 
Spaniards the which wee had given chase unto not longe 
before had given notes all along the shore. The which 
our men perceavinge by theire unusuall and sundrie lights 
made retire ; the which our Generall was glad of, for that 
wee might discrie three great shipps plyinge downe upon 
us, the which wee judged then to be some of the Kings 
Armathases,'* for that wee had bin informed that they 

^ This and the foUowuig names represent Cascaes and Cape 
Espichel, on each side of the Tagus, the Sierra de Monchique (running 
down to Cape St. Vincent), Cape Sagres and the Bay of Lagos. 

^ MS. makinge. 

3 Capt. Benjamin Wood {cf. Dudley's narrative below). He took 
part in the voyage of Amadas and Barlow to Virginia in 1 584 (Hakluyt, 
ed. 1809, iii, p. 307) and in the " Voyage made by two of Sir Walter 
Ralegh's pinasses ... to the Azores" in 1586 {Ibid., ii, p. 607). Ten 
years later, after returning from the present voyage, he commanded 
an expedition, chiefly fitted out by Dudley, to the Straits of Magellan 
and China, two of his three vessels being the Bear and the Whelps 
perhaps the same which Dudley had on this occasion. T. Masham, 
in his account of the " third voyage set foorth by Sir W. Ralegh to 
Guiana" in 1596 (Hakl., iv, p. 189), says that he was spoken off the 
Barbary Coast on 28 January, 1596-7, but neither he nor any of his 
company ever returned home. All that was learnt of their fate is 
contained in a Spanish letter printed by Purchas (ed. 1625, i, bk. iii, 
p. no). 

* A queer plural form of Armada or Armatha, used in the sense of 
a single large ship of war. 


vvearc abroade. Soc havinge taken in our men aborde, wee 
ourselves in readincs for to fight plied up of all handes, 
givingc theni a speedic chase, and by ten of the clock at 
night wee had fett them up. But findinge them to be all 
Englishmen, two great shipps of London marchandmen 
bounde for the straights and the thirde a man of war, 
and all of our familiar acquaintance, wee saluted each 
other after our sea manner, [they] giveinge our Generall 
a great peece (who commaunded they should be requited 
with the like kindenes), [and soe] wee parted, they for 
the straights and wee for the cost of Barbaric. The which 
course wee had not held that night but wee might the 
next morninge perceave a ship pack on all the saile they 
weare able to make after us, to follow us, the which wee 
hoped to have bin one of the Kings Armathases, beinge 
desirous to give us chase ; and our Generall, to the intent 
they might with more ease fett us up, caused great draggs 
to be hanged over borde, oftentimes comminge on the 
stales, of purpose for them. Who when they weare com 
up with us, wee founde her to be a ship of Hampton, 
which had laine by us in Hampton rode and went forth 
some three weekes before us, the Captaine, one Mr. 
Daniell, shewinge himselfe a verie glad man to meet with 
our Generall at sea. And to signifie soe much unto him, 
[hee] gave him three peeces of great ordenance ; the which 
kindenes our Generall requited with the like courtesies 
and soe departed, requestinge them withall that, if they 
did meet with our vicc-admerall, they woulde hasten them 
forwarde towards the Canaries, wheare our Generall did 
meane to make some abode for them. Thus givinge to 
each other the ZHileat, wee helde on contrarie courses, they 
for the Cape St. Vincett and wee for the Canaries. 

The which course wee had not continued longe, but 
within a day after wee had sight of a saile to leewarde ; 
the which wee weare perswaded was one of our consorts, 


for that wee might perceave a small pinness not far from 
her. Which pinness shee had sent to horde us and withall 
to give advertisement unto our Generall of a mishap 
which had hapened to one of our English men of war, 
beinge by two of the Kinges Armathases surprised and 
taken. And this beinge a shipp of a small burden woulde 
gladlie have consorted with us, the which our Generall 
was in some sorte content to accepte of, for that he was 
in some doubte of the meetinge of his two shipps which 
weare to com after him. But this consortship was hin- 
dered by our seperacion through a most vehement storme, 
with such soden gustes and monstrous raine that, unless 
thcare shoulde have hapned a seconde enundacion of the 
whole worlde, wee coulde not have had the like accident. 
But as his force was most violent for the time, soe was his 
dainger less harmefull in vanishinge sodenlie, resemblinge 
the bullets who are noe soener cast into the mouldcs then 
they are made ; this beinge our onlie comfort that, by how 
much the more his force was great in the highest degree of 
his extremitie, by soe much the less was his power avail- 
able to continew the vehemencie of that extremitie. For 
it is a common sayinge, but more commonlie falleth out 
true, that nullum violentuui est perpctutuii. But after this 
storme the seas began to wax calme and the skies became 
perfect and cleare, and soe sailinge with a bare and scant 
winde towards the Hands wee might perceave a small saile 
to stande with us, and standinge in for the ilands as wee 
did, [and] wee weare perswaded that shee was either her 
with whom wee shoulde have consorted or some other 
bownde for the Canaries. But meetinge togeather, wee 
weare given to understande shee was a bark of Waymouth, 
which in the monstrous stormcs before had bin in some 
perilous dainger, beinge forst to cast overborde all theire 
great ordenance [and] theire fish and to stave theire caske 
in the which theire fresh water was, and havingc loste 

Voyage to the west indies. it 

theirc bote requested succour. The which our Generall 
afforded by sendingc them his bote and witliall some fresh 
water, of the which they had none before. Thus after great 
bordinge and rebordinge each other, one the morrow wee 
solemnHe feasted^ one another, for it was then Christmas 
day, and [it] beinge a verie hott day and [wee] withall 25 Uec. 
becalmed by reason of the high peeke of Tenerife, from of 
(sc. off) the which wee weare not far, our men swimminge 
from ship to ship made greate cheare each to other. And 
to congratulate them for the kindnes the which they had 
shewed our men, our Generall, havinge before verie 
bountefullie feasted them, went himselfe aborde them, 
wheare hee had a verie fyne banquet. After which repass 
rcturninge aborde, [hee] brought with him divers of them 
to supp with him [and] after supper sent them with his 
bote aborde theire shipp, determininge on the next 
morrow to conclude of some articles for a consortshipp. 
The which was not the next day, beinge St. Steevens 26 Dec 
daie, concluded of, because they did defer it untell they 
came unto the Grande Canaries, wheare wee might both 
water afresh and must of necessitie anker theare, for to 
stay by our appointment for our vice-admerall. But all 
this was frustrated by the contrarietie of the winde, for 
neither might wee plie up unto that iland, the winde 
was soe contrarie for our course, neither was hee able to 
beare or keepe us companie, the weather growinge into 
such a monstrous outragiousnes. 

Soe loseinge them wee weare driven ourselves under 
the ile of Tenerife, wheare [wee weare] beatinge up and 
downe untell the Sondaie followinge, beinge the xxix''^ 29 Dec. 
of December, on which daie it pleased God that wee sett 
sight of a carv^ell, the which wee coulde not reach with 
our shipp, for that it was such a calme, and the carvell 

^ MS. feastinge. 


beinge neare the lande plied up to run her selfe a grovvnde 
rather then shee woulde wilHnglie be taken. Our Generall, 
to prevent all thcire determinacions, caused his bote to be 
manned forth, committinge the chardge unto Cap. Jobson/ 
who verie resolutelie perforemed the takinge of her, beinge 
harde aborde the shore, notwithstandinge the lande forces, 
praesentinge themselves in the vevv of our men, made a 
stande of some 500 pikes, havinge theire battles interlased 
with musketers answearable to the nomber of the pikes, 
who plied theire shott soe thick that our men weare forced 
to place all the Spanish prisoners between themselves 
and the shott ; the which when the enimie saw, they 
forbare, sufferinge the prize to com from the shore 
without further resistance. But Cap, Jobson, by whose 
directions this exploite was accomplished, beinge well 
experiensed with such services, for that he had bin with 
Sir Francis Drake, and havinge chardge both at the 
sackinge of St, Domingoe in the West Indies and at the 
burninge of the Groyne in the Portingall action,- sent 
our admeralls bote aborde him with some six of the 
chiefest of the prisoners to know the Generalls further 
pleasure concerninge both prize and prisoners. Whose 

^ Further on styled a kinsman of Dudley, and addressed by him as 
his cousin. He was probably therefore a son of Sir Francis Jobson 
(d. 1573), Lieutenant of the Tower, who married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Arthur, Viscount Lisle (natural son of Edward IV), and Elizabeth 
his wife, sister of John Grey, Viscount Lisle, and widow of Edmund 
Dudley. Lady Jobson was thus half-sister to John Dudley, Duke of 
Northumberland, Robert Dudley's grandfather. Her two eldest sons, 
John and Edward, married heiresses, and were less likely to have 
sought fortune in adventure than then" brothers, Henry and Thomas. 
As the last-named took his degree at Oxford, 12 February, 1578-g, 
and appears to have been a member of the Inner Temple (Foster, 
Alunini Oxon.), Henry was, perhaps, Dudley's Captain Jobson. A 
Richard Jobson commanded an expedition to explore the Gambia in 
1620, and wrote an account of it entitled The Goldoi Trade, 1623, but 
he docs not speak as if he had had previous experience. 

- No one of the name of Jobson figures in the accounts of the taking 
of San Domingo on i January, 1586, or the attack on Coruna on 
24 April, 15S9. 


direction was that the prize^ shoulde be committed unto 
Cap. Wood and the prisoners should be all broughtc 
aborde him ; with whom he dclt soe honorablie, causinge 
them to be sett ashore unrifeled of the sailers and 
souldicrs, they gave him the greatest commendacions of 
any, protestinge to doe him all the service they might, 
thcirc true dutifull obediancc unto theire naturall Prince 
onlic reserved. Thus, after he had given God thanks, 
hee appointed Cap. Wood to goe on the one side of the 
ilande and wee on the other, soe compassinge the ile 
wee might happelie meet with some one driv-en into 
that harber by reason of the last stormes bownde for 
the Indies. 

The next daie, beinge Monday the xxx'^ of December, 30 Dec. 
in the morninge by breake of daie, our Generall beinge 
in his gallerie discried another carvell at anker under the 
shore side of Palma, the which he commaunded that wee 
shoulde plie for ; who perceavinge our intent made out 
into the sea, not doubtinge but to escape our dainger by 
her swift sailinge. In the which they weare mightelie 
deceaved, for our admerall beinge most singuler for her 
saylinge fett her up within the dainger of our great shott, 
and by that they had some 3 peeces bestowed on them 
they stroke saile, yealdinge themselves unto the mercie 
of our Generall, who delt as charitablie with thease 'as 
he had done honorablie with the former [and] caused 
them to be safelie sett on shore, unspoiled of theire 
apparell or wealth. Afterwards, makinge one of his 
gentlemen, one Mr. Wentworth,- captaine of her, appoint- 
inge Mr. Lister master, wee plied up and downe to finde 

^ Dudley calls her the I7ite7it, the other, captured later, being the 
Regard. See also below, p. 28. 

- Probably a relation of Margaret Cavendish, Dudley's wife, whose 
mother was a daughterof Thomas, first Lord Wcntworth of Ncttlcstcd 
(Brit. Mas. Add. MS. 19,122, f. 350). 


the other carvcll ; the which came unto us not lon^r after 
without doinge of anie thinge worth the notinge. 

That night the winde began to shew his force on us, 
drivinge us back againe to Palma, wheare I thinke wee 
weare haunted with some diveHsh witches, or at least with 
some sea divells ; for beinge theare wee weare brought into 
such a laborynth of surpassinge troubles that to shew the 
horrors theareof I shall rather want wordes of effecasie 
then matters defective. Such they weare that those which 
had bin seamen some 30, some 40 yeares, did neaver see 
the like ; such they weare that those ilanders which weare 
fowrescore yeares of age did neaver heare of the like ; and 
such weare they that I beseech Christ wee neaver indure 
the like. Neither doe I thinke that eaver anie suffred 
the like withowt either detriment of goods, spoile of 
tacklings, loss of men or overwhelminge of all, somtimes 
havinge such dredfull flashes of fire that, allthoughe wee 
might account it midnight by the computacion of the 
time, yeat might wee compare it to midday for the 
brightnes of the ayre by the lighteninge, which seemed 
to fire the verie seas rownde aboute us, somtimes terrible 
thunders, other times both darke and durtie foggs, stinck- 
inge and noysome mistes, continuinge thus some viij^h daies 
togeather, that nomberless weare the stormes wee suffred, 
innumerable weare the daingers wee feared, but most 
infinite weare the calamities wee weare subject unto. The 
which our master^ foreseinge, havinge a most perfect and 
singuler judgement into thease causes (for beinge a good 
naturall philosopher he was able rightlie to censure of 
supernaturall causes by theire unnaturall effects) and 
perceavinge thease things by findinge the heavens to 

^ "My master Abraham Kendall" (Dudley). He accompanied 
Drake and Hawkins on their last voyage, and died on the same day 
as Drake himself, 28 January, 1596, off Porto Bello(Hakluyt, ed. 1809, 
iv, p. 73). His own account of Dudley's voyaye is the third of those 
here printed. 


be troubled by theirc extrordinaric courses, [hee] came 
unto our Generall, sl^euin^e him }io)i est bellare aa/i diis, 
theare is noe resistance of the divine powers. " Wee 
have," saith hee, " laine heare this lo or ii daies, a longe 
time for soe short a cutt, strivinge to plie up for the ilands 
of the Grande Canaries for the accomplishment of your 
appointment unto your vice-admerall ; the which how im- 
possible a thinge it is, your honorable selfe (unto the 
great perill of your owne person and the hazarde of your 
shippinge) hath bin made an eie wittnes. Whearefore 
of necessitie wee must beare hence for Cape Blanke.^ 
Lett it thearefore soe stande with your honorable likinge 
that yow rightlie censure of this determinacion." The 
which our Generall easilie condiscended unto, not a little 
notinge the instabilitie of mans determinacion. 

The same day, beinge Satterday the fowrth of Januarie, 4Jfin- 
wee sailed forwarde alonge within the sight of the ilande 
of Ferra,- making for Cape Blanke ; and comminge within 
two daies saile of the Cape, our Generall sent away his 
two carvells before, that they shoulde not be mistrusted 
of the canters,^ of whome hee determined to replenish his 
victuall a fresh, if possible hee might. Soe, bearinge a 
slacke saile, wee bore in for the shore, and the first lande 
wee fell withall was the maine continent of Affrica, the 
place Riodore, parte of the kingedome of Asanaga. The 
next was Cape Cyprian, parte of the kingdome of Gualata, 

* Cape Blanco, on the mainland of Africa. 

2 Ferro, one of the smaller Canary Islands. 

•* " Canthers, which are Portugal fishermen" (Dudley). A canter, 
however, was properly a fishing-boat, as in Drake's voyage round the 
world, 1577, " In this place (/.c., off Cape Blanco) we tooke of the fisher- 
men such necessaries as wee wanted and they could yecld us, and 
leaving heere one of our litle barkes .... wee tooke with us one of 
tlieirs, which they called ' Canters,' being of the burden of 40 tunnes 
or thereabouts" (Hakluyt, ed. 1809, iv, p. 233). The word is no 
doubt connected with the Spanish and Portuguese cdniaro, a wide- 
bellied pitcher, and this with the Greek Kch'^apoy, which is itself used 
by Aristophanes, Pax, 143, for a kind of boat. 


then Cape Barbis, and soe to Cape Blanke ; both which 
capes h"e scituated within the Hmmetts of the dcsarts of 
" Jan- Lybia. On the viii^h (-j^y of Januarie, lyinge at this cape 
in the morninge, wee might discrie our two carvells 
comminge towards us, the which ankored not far from 
us. At which time Hkewyse, some fowre leagues of, wee 
sawe a saile to weather on us ; the sight wheareof caused 
our Generall to send his bote aborde the carvells, com- 
maundinge them that they shoulde plie up unto the shipps, 
to see what they weare, havinge with himselfe determined 
to lande. The which he did praesentlie upon the returne 
of his bote, and beinge landed with some twelve persons 
marched up in good order, determininge a further search 
of the place ; and findinge theare nothinge worth the 
discoverie made his returne the speedier, not marveilinge 
that he founde noe inhabitante manuringe^ in that unin- 
habitable desarte, abowndinge in nothinge but with huge 
mountaines of windedriven sandes, steipe piles of craggie 
rocks, and a few scattred bones, beinge the left rellicks 
of dead carkases slawtred by some more ravinous beastes 
then they themselves weare. And as wee made our 
retire, wee saw divers lyssards, the swiftnes of whose 
flight gave great delight unto our men in givinge them 
speedie chases. And beinge com unto the shore syde 
wee harde a great peece shoote of out from our admerall, 
which caused us to make more hast to com aborde. Thus 
leavinge behinde us certaine letters inclosed in a thinge 
of wood provided of purpose for the same, which weare 
directions for our vicc-admerall to follow us accordinge 
unto the advertisement sent them from Plimworth to 
Famouth, wee came aborde. And by that time our 

^ To manure ( = manoeuvre) properly means to work with the 
hand, hence to till or cultivate, in a more general sense than in its 
modern restricted usage. " Manuringe" here is almost ec[uivalent to 
" dwelling-." 


Gencrall had supped it \\\a.s night ; soc the watcli bcinge 
sett everie one was commaunded unto theire rest. But 
before two glasses^ were cleane run out of the first watch, 
our carvcUs wcare perceaved to be in fight with the sailes 
unto the which they weare in the morninge commaunded 
to plie u[) for. The beginninge of whose quarrel!'' began 
first in this sorte. The carvells beinge com soe neare that 
they might truHe judge of them what they weare, per- 
ceavinge tliem to be French men of war, [they] determined 
to anker by them, not fullie resolved what to doe untell 
the next morninge. But the Frenchmen seinge two 
Spanish carvells, for as yeat they weare not altered, toke 
them to be some Spanish fishermen, prjesentlie gave them 
chase and had taken them, had not our men verie 
resolutelie b}' force repelled theire forces ; for in the ex- 
chainge of some halfe thowsande of bullets they then 
coulde not onlie perceave them to be Englishmen, but 
felt them likewyse to be English men of war, which caused 
them to devide theire forces, theire admerall, beinge a 
shipp of vii. score, givinge chase to one of the carvells, 
and her other consortes, beinge pinnesses of 30 tun a 
peece with a shallop of viij^'i tun, settinge upon the other 
of our carvells. Who havinge before beaten them back 
from bordinge them still [went on] plyinge^ him soe 
hott with his small shott that in the end the Frenchmen 
weare as willinge to forgoe the chase as before they 
weare desirous to give the chase. And by this time 
had theire admerall brought his chase aborde us ; but 
our Generall, beinge before advertised of theire fight 
and perceavinge by the light of the fireinge of theire 
peeces that they and wee weare in dainger of our great 

1 The nautical sand-glass was a half-hour glass, so that, the first 
watch beginning at 8, this would make the time nearly 9 o'clock. 

- Dudley omits all mention of this action, ])erhaps because England 
and France were at peace. 

^ MS. and still plyinge. 



ordenance, made a light to be hanged forth that they 
might see wheare wee weare and might, if the)^ durste, 
com unto us, for they might com to us, but wee coulde 
not com to them to receave our carvell. Which when 
they refused, our Generall caused the master gunner to 
give them a great peece of ordenance, which was soe 
warme a wellcome unto them that with speed they soe 
sodenlie retired that in the morninge wee coulde not 
allmost perceave they had at all disankored. But that 
our men had them allwaies in sight, wee coulde not else 
have beleeved it. 

Our Generall, as one doubtfull of the success of his 
other carvell, sent his bote abord the carvell that was 
com, who beinge before seperated by the French admerall 
coulde deliver noe certaintie of her, but sent worde shee 
was in some harde fight with two pinnesses and a shallop 
of the Frenchmen ; and for that they coulde not see her 
this morninge they feared shee was surprised. The 
returne of which answear bred some discontentmente 
unto our Generall, who vowed the death of the rest, if 
his men weare perished. Thus commaundinge everie 
officer to see theire chardge in readines for to fight, [hee] 
gave commaundement that the carvell shoulde plie up 
into the weather, for that wee did discrie a saile makinge 
from the shore unto the French admerall, who laie aloofe 
of some six leagues to weather. Our carvell plyinge up 
into the winde weathered the saile which came from the 
shore and gave them soe sharpe a chase with the help 
of the great shott that came from aborde our admerall 
that hee caused them to hange ovvt a flagg of truce, 
cryinge " all freinds, freinds" ; the which wordes gave 
us some hope that our other carvell was in safetie. And 
by this time wee might discrie another saile to make 
from the shore, after the which wee had noe soener cast 
abowte but wee did perceave her collers to be the collers 


of the carvell which wee wanted ; which was the cause 
that the French chase was given over, who weare more 
joyous of theire freedome then wee gladsome of theire 
thraldoine. Thus rejoycinge of all handcs, they as free 
from the subversion which was likcHe to be inflicted 
upon them, wee for the returne of our supposed lost 
carvell, givinge whole vallews of shott at our meetinge 
and likewise some great ordenance, our Generall now as 
this dale beinge the ix^i^ of Januarie, beinge Thurscdaie, 9 J-'^"- 
havinge, God be thanked, all his men sownde without 
sicknes and his carvell safe without dainger, gave direc- 
tions to proceed on his viage for one of the ilands of 
Cape Diverde called the ilande of St. Antonie, wheare 
our men had well hoped to have watred afresh. The 
which they had done, had not the master perswaded our 
Generall to the contrarie, for that this ilande beinge soe 
poisensome a place, by reason of the infectious ayre, 
might breed some contagious infection amonge our men. 
It was thcarefore concluded secretlie between them, that 
in the night they shoulde overslip them^ ; the which was 
perforemed soe cunninglie that none coulde perceave it, 
but that it was rather done by ignorance then anie way 
by consent. After which time wee weare commaunded 
to beare hence away for the Indies, and for that our 
Generall woulde have noe occasion of rebordinge each 
other, the which might be some occasion of stay, untell 
wee recovered the aforenamed cost, hee sent the carvells 
victuall sufficient aborde to serve them. 

Soe the xiij^h of Januarie wee sett forwarde, not alter- 13 Jan- 
inge our determinacion untell wee might safelie arive at 
Trinidado, havinge nothinge worth the notinge or remem- 
brance, savinge that oftentimes wee might see a great 
multitude of thease flyinge fishes flie togeather, beinge 

1 Dudley gives the same reason for making straight for Trinidad, 
but as if it was of his own initiative. 

C 2 


pursued by some other fishes, as if theare had bin some 
flock of larkes dared by the hobbie. Wee have had in 
a watch in the night a fish flie into a little scuttle of a 
cabbin, noe bigger then the hande of a man, a thinge that 
to some might seeme strainge, and yeat not soe strainge 
as true. The fish that doth most often give this fish 
chase is the dolphin, which is soe svvifte that he coulde 
not escape him, had not nature provided him this remedie. 
But, as his safetie is wrought by his flight, soe is hee not 
voyde likewyse of dainger usinge that benifitt of nature ; 
for he hath noe soener mounted on winge but przesentlie 
the gannet, a great fowle, lyeth hoveringe alofte and 
makcth ceasure of him like the fallcon, that pointinge 
it alofte and the fowle noe soener is putt of from the 
ryver for the servinge of her, but prtnesentlie shee fallcth 
and killeth her praie at sovvce.^ Soe doth this gannet lie 
watchinge alofte ; the dolphin, he pursueth in the sea 
and forceth her to take the benifitt of her winges, which 
noe soener appearcth above water but [s]hee is made a 
praie of the aforenamed bird, the gannet. 

Thus sailinge through the maine ocean, [wee] had- 
winde and weather most prosperous and faire for some 
XX. dales togeather before wee foundc the alteringe of the 
coller of the water, which then began to forshewwee wearc 
not far from some cost, fallinge most rightlie owt unto the 
computacion and reckninge of our Generall, who from time 
to time forctolde me by the reckninge of his carde, when 
he had taken the hight under whatsoemeaver meridian 
wee then hapned to be in, " wee shall," saith hee, " if 

^ Sr. at a plunge or swoop. " Dead, as a fowl at souse, i.e., at the 
stroke of another bird descending violently on it" (Dyce, Bcautiwni 
and Fletcher, vii, p. 278). Halliwell, Archaic Diet., also quotes 
Florio, 161 1, p. 48, "To leape or seaze greedily upon, to souze doune 
as a hauke." Skeat, Etyin. Diet., connects the word with "sauce" 
and "souse," to pickle, plunge into brine. 

^ MS. havinge. 


God prosper our proceedings, see land such a dale by 
the prick of this my carde." And this was not done 
once nor tvvise, but still from the first cape after wee weare 
departed from our English cost, which was the North 
Cape of Spaine, untcll wee came to Trinidado. And when 
all those that had bin masters, of the which some of them 
have bin thought to be as good as anie in England, beinge 
the masters mates and theirc consortes, did faile in theire 
reckninge, yeat fell it owt just with his reckninge. The 
which how difticultc a thinge it is rightlie to censure of it, 
lett those who have bin seamen all daies of theire lives 
judge. For if a man doe but note how manie things doe 
necessarilie concur unto the true perfection of the arte, 
wee may justlie judge it not onlie the admirablest worke 
in the worlde but one of the wonders of the worlde. But 
leavinge this intricate arte, as not able to sett forth her 
perfection, lett me returne unto that honorable and excel- 
lent practiser of the arte, that I may \\ith admiracion 
admire in silence to my unspeakable joye at those his 
wonderfull actions, which heareafter will prove to be the 
worlds wonder. I meane our vertuous and carefull, honor- 
able and provident Generall, who seinge the water in the 
night time to wax soe soedenlie white called unto the 
master, who had noted it before, as both watchfull and 
most carefull of his chardge, and havinge caused one to 
heave owt a lead and sowndinge founde it to be but xv. 
feadome water. Perceavinge wee weare not far of the 
cost and the night withall darke, hee commaunded that wee 
shoulde cast aboute, the which wee did and came unto 50, 
wheare wee laie at hull untell Fridaie morninge, beinge 
the last of Januarie. 

And within two owers after the breake of day wee 31 J'>n. 
discried lande, which was the maine continent betweene 
Brazeile and India ; and within some two owers after our 
good Generall himselfe discried the ilande of Trinidado, 

21 ROBERT Dudley's 

for the which wee had allwaies borne. And forthwith he 
called unto the carvells, commaundinge them that they 
shoulde gee before and see if they might discover anie 
manner of shippinge within the baies before our admerall 
might be discried, and withall enjoyned them that they 
shoulde not pass belowe the pointe called Curiapan/ the 
which if they had performed, wee had withowt all perad- 
ventures loded ourselves with the richest ore of the worlde. 
This night wee ankored on the south west parte of the 
ilande in a baie the which our Generall called Baie Pellican, 
for the great aboundance of pellicans that wee see theare, 
and wheare wee founde our two carvells. This eaveninge 
our Generall sent of {sc. off) his bote with Cap. Jobson with 
divers gentlemen, as M'". Wright, M"". Comley and divers 
others, both shott and pike, to the intent that they might 
if possible, by anie meanes they coulde, gett anie of the 
salvages or at least have conference with them. The 
which they did soe well accomplish as they did traffique 
with them, and they promised to com aborde the next 

1 Feb. dale. It was Satterdaie night late eare our bote returned' 

our carvells havinge past not onlie the pointe but went soe 
far within the baie that it gave occasion to us to goe 
downe soe far to seeke them that wee passed downe soe 
far that it was impossible for us to recover those places 
wheare wee shoulde have done ourselves most good. 

2 Feb. The dale followinge, bcinge Sondaie, in the morninge 

came the salvages with two canowes aborde us, as they 
had promised our men, bringinge such commodities with 
them as theire ilande did afforde, savinge they brought 

^ " Point Curiapan, which the Spanyaids call Punto de Gallo " 
(Ralegh's Discoveric of Guiana, ed. Schomburgk, Hakluyt Soe, 1848, 
p. i) ; the southwestern extremity of Trinidad, now Point Icacos or 
Icacque. Pelican Bay is identified by Kingsley {At Last, 1872, p. 69) 
with Cedros Bay, still "very full of pelicans" {cf. Dudley), and this 
is confirmed by Kendall's narrative below, and by the position of the 
" Minera di Calcuri" in Dudley's map. 


neither goldc nor pcarlc, of the which thcarc arc y;rcat 
store within the ilandc, but tobacco, nutes and such kinde 
of fruites, the which the}' exchainged for knives, bugles,^ 
beades, fishinge hookes and hatchetts. Our Geiicrall, 
findinge one of them that couldc spcake Spanish, inquired 
of him of a golde myne of ore, demaundinge if he couklc 
or wouldc bringe us thither. The which he profered of 
his owne voluntarie will and, if wee woulde, he woulde goe 
with us thither. Wheareupon our Generall sent Cap. 
Jobson, repr^esentinge his person with his authoritic, as 
his Leiftenante Generall, commaundinge all his other cap- 
taines to give attendance on him, and withall our master 
accompanied him. And soe wee marched some viii^h 
miles alonge the cost eare wee founde the place and, findinge 
it to abounde with that kinde of ore,- each of us brought 
some of it unto our Generall, and soe returned that night 

The next dale, beinge Mondaie, the thirde of February, 3 Feb. 
our Generall gave directions for the landinge of all his 
lande forces, wheareupon [hee] commaunded his carvells to 
plie as neare unto the shore as they possible coulde and 
to lande theire men ; the which they did, the one of them 
before our Generall toke lande, who gave him a vallew of 
small shott upon his landinge, reansvvearinge the great 
ordenance, which was some ten peeces, at his comminge 
from abord. The other carvell, by reason hee had taken 
all the souldiers aborde him out of the admerall, coulde 
not soe sone take lande, but pra^sentlie after landed all his 
forces. And soe our Generall appointed^ certaine both for 

' Bugle, " a tube-shaped glass bead, usually black, used to ornament 
wearing apparel" (A-'iJTf/ Engl. Diet.). From its derivation as given 
by Skeat [Etym. Diet.)., it may mean any ring-shaped ornament. 

2 It proved to be merely Marcasite (r/C Dudley), or iron pyrites of a 
bronze-yellow colour. No gold appears to be found in Trinidad 
(Wall and Sawkins, Geology of Trinidad., i860, p. 68). 

^ MS. appointinge. 


the marshallinge of his troopes and the leadinge of them, 
as Cap. Wood and Cap. Wentworth for the'vawarde, Wyatt 
and Canter for the maine battle of pike, and Vincent for 
the rearewarde. And thus beinge marshalled in good order, 
hee himselfe led^ the march, accompanied onlie with his 
Leiftenant Generall Cap. Jobson, who somtimes made his 
retire unto the rearvvarde, somtimes into the maine battle, 
as occasion served, givinge special! commaunde unto us, 
both Wyatt and Vincent, who had the marshallinge of the 
whole troopes as the two corporalls of the feilde, that wee 
shoulde have a special care of the marchinge of our men 
in good order. Which was soe well performed of all 
handes in such good sorte as, if wee had bin charged with 
ten thowsande Indians, they coulde not have harmed us. 
Thus havinge marched viij'^ longe miles'- through the deepe 
sandes and in a most extreame hott dale, our Generall, 
unaccustomed, God he knowes, to walke one (sc. on) foote, 
leadinge the march, wee at length came unto the place 
wheare this ore was, and havinge placed our courte of 
garde in a convenient place and sett forth our centronells, 
all the rest weare appointed to the geatheringe of ore. 
And havinge allmost in a moment geathered such a quan- 
titie that after everie one was equallie lodende yeat wee 
left allmost a quarter of a hogsehead behinde us, that our 
men weare not able to carrie, by this time it flowed soe fast 
that wee weare forced to staie untell midnight, at which 
time the full sea was past. In the meane while our 
Generall, perceavinge a most filthie miste to fall, caused 
an armefull of boughes to be cutt and laide on the grownde, 
wheareon he himselfe lay downe ; over whome Ancient^ 
Barrow helde his collers and Wyatt, chusinge some of the 
best of our men, made his stande rownde about him. Thus 

^ MS. leadinge. 

2 " About three leagues to the eastwards" (Dudley) ; ''six miles or 
seven to the cast" (Kendall). 

^ A corruption of Ensign, immortalized by Ancient Pistol. 


havinge reposed himselfe some ovvcr hee awaked, and 

not longe pawsinge after, wee had alarum given us, which 

I rather impute to the ignorance of our centronells then 

anie way unto the chardginge of the cnimie. For theare 

is a certaine flie which in the night time appeareth Hke 

unto a fire, and I have scene at the least two or three 

score togeathcr in the woods, the which make resemblance 

as if they weare soe manie light matches, the which I 

perswade myselfe gave occasion of some soden feare unto 

the centronells which gave the alarum. And our men 

beinge prjesentlie in armes, the Generall toke Cap. Jobson 

and Wyatt with xx. shott and marched from the battle to 

discover what the cause shoulde bee ; but, findinge all places 

free from dainger, wee made our retire, willinge that everie 

one shoulde be in a readines if the like occasion shoulde be 

offred. Thus after our men had rested themselves and 

the sea began for to ebb, our Generall gave commandement 

for our marchinge back againe ; the which beinge signified 

both by his noyse of trumpetts and drome, wee of all 

handes marched alonge. And for that the waters weare 

deepe up unto the girdlesteid^ of our men, our Generall 

himselfe first led through the water up unto the verie 

twiste, an unusuall thinge for him, beinge a courtier, but 

not unfitt for him, beinge our Generall in India, caryinge 

soe great a majestie in his march with such unremovable 

resolucions in his proceedings that wee all that followed 

him concluded in the idea of our consaites hee without all 

doubte woulde prove the onlie mirrour of knighthood. For 

when hee determined of anie thinge, he sett it downe with 

the great consideracion and advice of the masters, and, 

beinge concluded what shoulde be done, he woulde have 

it accomplished with such expedition that he might saie 

'■ The waist, place for the girdle. The twist of the body is where 
the thighs part, the fork. " Twist" is used in Old English for "twig," 
where a branch forks or divides into two. 


with Csesar, vcni, vidi, vici. Thus by two or three of the 
clock in the morninge wee had recovered our shipp and 
weare in a short space all safelie sett aborde. 

4 Feb. This morninge, beinge Twsedaie, our Generall caused 

our Queenes armes to be drawne on a peece of lead and 
this inscription written underneath, the which was sett 
upon a tree neare adjoyninge unto the place wheare this 
myne of golde ore was discovered : Robertus Duddeleius, 
Anghis, films ilbistrissiiiii Coniitis Leicestrencis, j°^ die 
Februarii, anno Domini 15^4, ciini snis copiis in Judic 
insulam descendit eamque coepit ad usum serenissinicB priii- 
cipis RegincE ElizabethcE AnglicB, FrancicB et HibernicB, fidct 
defejisoris, etc., atque hnnc locinn divince Maries projnontoriujn' 
appellari iussit, sibi ovinia iura regalia vendicans, diini in 
hoc negotio aliqiiid a regina sibi in niandato habebit. And 
for the accomplishment of it, he committed the doinge 
of it unto Wyatt and delivered unto him his sworde, 
joyninge with him in commission M"". Wright and M''. 
Vincent. Soe havinge assured them a sufficient power, wee 
landed and, beinge verie late before wee departed from 
our ship, wee coulde not recover the place before it was 
night, but weare inforced to intrenche ourselves that 
night in the woode ; and havinge gotten a convenient 
place both for the releevinge of our men for fresh water 
and wood (two greate necessaries for all souldiers march- 
ing to anie service), as allsoe for the strength of the place, 
the which was soe fortified by nature that with one owers 
labour wee made it vnvincible, [wee there remained].^ 
Thus lyinge in safegarde all that night, havinge our cen- 
tronells forth for the discoverie of anie thinge that might 

5 Feb. happen, in the morninge Wyatt was'* inforemed by one 

^ MS. 30. The year was, of course, 1594-5. 
'- Interlined, over insulani. 

^ Some such words as these seem to be wanted in order to make 
sense. "* MS. beinge. 


of the ccntronclls that in the night hce harde a dogg barke 
once, and the rest had^ discovered a fire divers times in the 
night, the which gave some suspition of the cnimies 
scowtes. Wheareupon takinge some two or three good 
shott [wee] cutt owt some 100 paces into the wood and 
marched as secret as wee coulde and at last founde the 
place wheare the enimie had sett his scowte to discover 
our forces of what strength wee vveare of; and wee discried 
the track of theire feet in the woodes by the impression 
of the sandes. And havinge followed them up into the 
woodes as far as I- possible might, I retired unto our men, 
wheare wee had the night before incamped ourselves. 

And soe marchinge forth in good order, wee came unto 
the place wheare this our service was to be accomplished, 
the which wee finished after this sorte : first wee caused 
the trumpetts to sownde solemlie three severall times, 
our companie troopinge rownde ; in the midst marched 
Wyatt, bearinge the Oueenes armes wrapped in a white 
silke scarfe edged with a deepe silver lace, accompanied 
with M"". Wright and Mr. Vincent, each of us with our 
armes, havinge the Generalls collers displaid, both with 
the trumpetts and the drome before us, after the chiefest 
of the troopes, then the whole troope, thus marchinge up 
unto the top of the mounte unto a tree the which grew 
from all the rest, wheare wee made a stande. And after a 
generall silence Wyatt red it unto the troope, first as it 
was written in Lattin, then in English ; after kissinge it 
[hee] fixed it on the tree appointed to bear it and, havinge 
a carpender placed alofte with hammer and nailes readie 
to make it fast, fastned it unto the tree. After wee 
pronounced thease wordes that " the Honorable Robert 
Duddeley, sonn and heyre unto the Right Honorable 

' MS. havinge. 

- The author here forgets himself, as elsewhere further on, and 
enables us to identify him with Captain Wyatt. 


Robert, Earlc of Leicester, Leiftenante of all Her Majesties 
fortes and forces beyonde the seas, Lord High Stewarde 
of her Majesties Howseholde, Knight of the most honor- 
able order of the Garter, hath sent us heather and in 
his name to accomplish this honorable acte dedicated 
unto the service of his most gratious soveraigne and 
bcnifitt of his countrey, and this with his sworde, God 
favoringe his intent, doth hee sweare to make good 
against anie knight in the whole worlde." This beinge 
ended, the trumpetts and drome sownded, the whole 
troope cryed "God save our Queene Elizabeth"; and 
havinge thus, as solemlie as wee coulde, accomplishte 
this committed unto our chardge, wee marched downe the 
mounte, and havinge equallie ladende our men with that 
ore with the which the place did abovvnde, wee sett forwarde 
towards our shippinge. And by foure of the clock wee 
had recovered the same, and beinge sett aborde wee gave an 
accounte unto our honorable Generall what wee had done. 

6 Feb The next dale wee vvaied our anker and doubled the 

points and ankored in a harber not far from Paracovve,^ 
the which our Generall called Porte Peregrine. The day 

7 Feb. followinge, beinge Fridaie the vij^h of Februarie, he sent 

all his landmen aborde his carvell called the Rcgardc, 

commaundinge them to plie as neare the shore as possible 

[s]he coulde, havinge before commaunded the other carvell 

called the Intent to draw unto the crick, wheare shee 

might both grave, trime and wash her, and to stopp a 

great leak the which shee had receaved in the takinge 

of her ; the which shee did. In the meane while our 

Generall landed himselfe the seconde time, havinge in 

his companie but six men (wheareof Cap. Jobson was 

one) when he tooke lande, for his forces weare then to 


1 " From Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called 
' Parico,' where we found a fresh-water river" (Ralegh, Discoverie of 
Guiana, P- 2). 


be landed out of the carvell called the Regard. Who 
seinge the Generall ashore made the more hast to land 
us, beinge three owers before the first companie was 
landed ; and beinge com unto our Generall, wee founde 
him usinge the salvages with all the kindnes he could 
devise. The which toke soe good effect that two or three 
voluntarie went aborde with him and lodged theare all 
night, whcare he made them great cheare and gave them 
such thinges as he saw did most delight them. At his 
goinge aborde he committed the chardge of those forces 
the which he left on land unto Cap. Wentworth, Wyatt 
and Vincent. And that night wee fortified ourselves 
as time and place did permitt us ; but the next day wee 8 Feb. 
receaved worde from our Generall that it was his pleasure 
that wee should lie some viij'h or ix. dales ashore, for that 
he determined to water, balliss and trim our admerall. 
Which caused us to raise downe that fortification which 
wee had that dale before buildcd in haste and to begin 
another sconce as neare the fresh water as wee coulde, 
which wee intrenched and fortified like unto a halfe 
moone, havinge the other side soe strengthned with wood 
that it was impossible to be assaultid. That night, beinge 
Satterdaie night, our Generall sent Cap. Jobson unto 
us to take vew of our sconce and withall to send Cap. 
Wentworth abord his carvell, commaundinge him that 
they shoulde with as much speed as they coulde turne 
downe unto the other carvell, wheare shee was a gravinge, 
and theare for to wash and trime her, that wee might 
be all in a readines to sett forwarde when our admerall 
was trimmed. This beinge done our Generall sent for 
Cap. Jobson aborde, who left the chardge unto Wyatt and 
Vincent for that night. 

The next dale, beinge Sondaie, our Generall sent our 9 Feb. 
victuall ashore, and withall came Cap. Jobson ; upon 
whose comminge, wee that had the goverment ashore 


surrendred it up unto his handes, who laie ashore with us 
lo Feb. all that day and night untell Mondaie night. At which 
time, makinge choyse of some speciall musketers and pike- 
men for a convoy, [hee] marched up some fowre miles by 
lande unto our carvells, to impose certainc services upon 
them by the Generalls commaunde, leavinge the other 
forces with Wyatt untell his returne. The which he made 
that night by midnight, and at his returne [he] com- 
maunded Wyatt to make choyse of a sufficient gard for 
himselfe and to march up wheare he had bin and fetch 
both the carpenders and the rest of such things which wee 
weare to have from the carvells for the speedie dispatch- 
ingc of our admeralls trimminge. The which wee did by 
I Feb. Twsedaie dinner, and that night laie insconsed, makinge 

readie our caske and fittinge our necessaries. 
12 Feb. The next daie Cap. Jobson was determined to march to 
Parracow and to have taken the towne, but as he had com- 
manded Wyatt to make readie a companie to march alonge 
withall wee might discrie to com from the cliffs out of the 
wood two or three with a flagg of truce, wavinge unto us that 
it might be lawfull to com and speake with us.^ The which 
Cap. Jobson did praesentlie grawnte, and, beinge come in 
presence of him, he uttred thease wordes, " Vinie en pais 
ou con gero ?'\ \v\\\.ch. is as much to saie in our languish, 
"Come yow in peace or with war?", and withall [he] 
delivered him a letter, the which he toke and soe caryed 
both him and his letter aborde unto our Generall, leavinge 
direction with Wyatt and Vincent that our men shoulde 
remaine in armes untell his returne. The which was that 
night by midnight, bringinge ashore with him the one of 
the Indians and withall a letter to signifie his pleasure, 
how that little he did either regarde or respect the Spanish 

1 The Spanish Governor of Trinidad at this time was Don Antonio 
de Berreo. Ralegh, who took him prisoner soon after, has much to 
say of him in his Discoverie of Guiana. 


forces, usinge them as most bitter foes unto God and his 
countrey and vilde cnimies unto his Prince and her 
subjects. And for that it may be knovvne unto the worlde, 
I have sett downe in writinge his lettre verbatim, as written 
unto his kinseman Cap. Jobson, who was then Lieftenante 
Generall to commaundc both us and his forces : — 

" Cossen Jobson, 

" It may be that Mr. Ben Wood will bringe some Spaniards, 
beinge gone to parlie with them that weare sent to me upon 
parlie, because I meane to stande upon my garde and have noe 
dealinge with Spaniards, but to take them, as it is my parte, as 
enimies unto our most gratious Soveraigne and State. Therefore 
I sale that, if it fortune that Mr. Wood bringe anie Spaniards, you 
may understande theire mindes, but in such sorte as they may 
not see your courtes of garde ; neither in anie case, I praie you, 
suffer them to com aborde, because I woulde not have anie 
Spaniards either to see my shipp within or my companies ashore, 
to discover my force. But lett them know I soe much disdaine 
the Spaniarde and his courtesies in respect of my dutifull services 
unto her Majestic as I woulde they knew I neither trust them nor 
care for theire force, be it neaver so great. By this and my 
courses all Spaniards shall know Englishmen of worth will neaver 
dishonour theire Prince, countrey and selves by fainthartninge 
unto theire curtesie, that villanouslie have sought the life of our 
most gratious Queene,^ whom in dwtifuU alegance wee are bounde 
to defende, and withall the overthrow of our countrey and selves, 
for whom in equitie wee weare borne to dye for. It weare not 
amiss yf you putt this into the mindes of my companies, the more 
to hate and disdaine the force of anie Spaniarde, and withall 
signifie unto them that whensoeaver they think themselves in anie 
dainger I will lie ashore and venter my life with them for com- 
panie. Soe fare you well. 

" Your assured cossen, 

Robert Duddeley." 

^ He probably alludes to the alleged plot to poison Elizabeth, for 
which her physician, Dr. Lopez, suffered death at Tyburn, 7 June, 
1594, a few months before Dudley started on his voyage. 


This letter beinge red unto the companie gave them 
more occasion of hatred unto the Spaniarde and better 
respect unto themselves for the strengthninge of our 
fortification in the which wee laie insconsed, and whcare 
wee refreshed ourselves with such supplies as the countrey 
did afforde us. 
14 Feb. Upon Fridaie, beinge the xiiij^h of Februarie, our Generall 
victualled his carvells with some three moneths victuall a 
peece and sent [them] before into the Indies, determininge 
not to meet them againe before wee returned into Englande. 
All this while wee harde nothinge of the Spaniarde untell 

16 Feb. Sondaie towardes night, at what time wee had two Indians 

brought unto us by the centronells, which brought a lettre 
unto our Generall with certaine presents ; the which our 
Generall did soe contemne that he refused to speake with 
them, much less to accept of theire presents. After this 
time we hard nothinge of the Spaniard, but the next day, 

17 Feb. beinge Monday the xvii''^ of Februarie, wee made our 

preprative to goe aborde. And that day, our Generall 
havinge two East Indians the which he had of M''. Candish^, 
the one of them, while wee weare everie one of us busie, 
spyinge oportunitie, he stole privilie awaie and, as wee 
suppose, ran unto the Spaniard. The which made us make 
noe great hast abord that night, to see if the Spaniarde, 
beinge trulie inforemed of the departure of our strengths, 
woulde give us anie bravado. And for the better fortifica- 
cion of ourselves our Generall sent his bote with a companie 
[of] musketers, to lie of (sc. off) the shore to chardge on 
the backs of those the which should give anie assaulte 
unto the baraskado. 

18 Feb. The next morninge, beinge Twseday morninge, Cap. 

^ Thomas Cavendish, Dudley's brother-in-law (see Preface), who 
sailed round the world in 1586- 1588. He sailed again for the .South 
Seas, 26 August, 1591 ; but the voyage was disastrous, and he died at 
sea in May or June, 1592. 


Jobson sent our bote aborde to know out Generalls 
pleasure for our commint^e aborde. Shee was returned 
back ag-aine, and withall theare was delivered by them 
unto Cap. Jobson another plate of lead with her Majesties 
amies drawne on it and with the like inscription as the 
former had, willinge that it shoulde likewyse theare be 
sett up, partlie for that wee had soe longe theare remained 
withowt resistance, neaver incountred with the Spaniarde 
nor disturbed by the countrey, and yeat doinge whatsoeaver 
it pleased our Generall to commaunde and liked ourselves 
best, and partlie for that manie of the people of the ilande 
had theire habitacion not far from the place. Both the 
which beinge rightlie considered, it was thought good by 
our Generall to adorne the place with the like honorable 
service ; and for the better perforemance of it he sent 
directions unto Captaine Jobson, who performed it in his 
owne person with more solemnitie then the former was. 
The which beinge accomplished unto the good likinge of 
our noble Generall, wee weare sent for aborde, the Captaine 
himselfe being the last man that came from the shore 

The Inscription Drawne upon the Plate of Leade. 

'' Roherttis Diiddekius, Angh/s, filiiis ilhtstrissimi Comitis 
Leicesfre/uis, decimo septiiiio die Felwuarii, J 595) <^^i'^^ ^'^^^ navihus 
in anchoris stetif coram ista /wj'jts insulce parte.^ qnam Porfufii 
JPeregrim^ appellavit : dcinde in terrain cum siiis copiis desceudif, 
nbi din comiiioratus est et sine JiUa interruptione qucs vohiit fecit et 
peregit. Frnterea insulam ha?ic Serenissimce Regince sine An^iice, 
Francicc et HybernicR Majestatis licenticv dicavit, propterea quod 
sibi videtur copiis necessariisque maxime abundarey 

All this time our Generall overslipt noe opportunitie, 
but dalie delt with the Indian he had aborde to disclose 
wheare theire rich mines of gold weare, and, if he woulde 
discover them unto him, he woulde not onelie bountefullie 
rcwarde him, but enlardge him at his owne pleasure. This 



Indian at the first would discover nothinge, but at the last, 
beinge threatned unto death, promised to disclose a most 
rich myne of golde on the maine lande, soe that after hee 
might be enlardged and sett free, and what hee promised 
to doe, if he perforemed it not, hee woulde willinglie dye 
for it ; and withall [he] discried the place [and] the ryver 
unto our Generall soe perfect that hee not onlie learned the 
richnes of the place but saw the entrance of the ryver. 
The which after he had bin soe sufficientlie instructed as 
this Indian might informe him, he toke others and by 
fayre meanes soe gott theire love that one of them volun- 
tarie profered to goe with him into Englande or wheare 
soeaver he woulde. And of this Indian he not onlie learned 
that those rich mines of gold weare delivered of a truth, 
but [he] discried how the salvages theare hanged rich 
peeces of gold aboute theire necks in the steed of brest- 
plates, and a most common thinge usuallie used amonge 
them. Wee have had at divers times at the least an 
hundred Indians com aborde us, and theare was not one 
but by signes confirmed the richnes of this myne. 

Whearefore when our worthie Generall had to the utter- 
most learned what they might informe him, findinge^ [them] 
by all theire demonstracions to agree in this for the admired 
riches of the place, he generallie purposed the sendinge 
of his bote thither and withall much desired that some 
attempte shoulde be made for the true discoverie theareof, 
whereby he might the better satisfie either her Majestie or 
such at home as are meet to be advertised of such designes. 
The worthy and valarous younge gentleman was verie 
desirous to goe himselfe, notwithstandinge the manifolde 
daingers delivered by our master, Abraham Kendall, which 
had before sene a disastrous experience theareof by the loss 
of some shippinge in the place, growinge by a current and 

^ MS. and finding^e. 


indraught neare to a rock which they call Diabolo ;^ the 
which dainger or anie thinge else pertaininge to matters of 
navigation our Gcnerall, beyonde ordinarie practise havinge 
a very speciall perseverance or rather perfect knowledge, 
did well understande, and withall founde a meanes and 
course, which beinge well perceaved and dulie observed, it 
was possible, yf to pass forwarde, to make as safe a returne 
againe. Howbeit, it was generallie thought verie unfitt 
that the person of soe worthie and hopefull a gallant, as an 
unfeathered shafte, should be hazarded in soe small and 
simple a vessell, whearein coulde not be thrust anie 
sufficient guarde for his safetie or defence. To which 
proceedings above all others Captain Jobson, his Leif- 
tenante and deare kinseman, was much contradictorie 
and repugnante, desiringe and earnestlie beseechinge the 
Generall that it woulde please him to committ the seide 
service unto him, whose earnest thirste and desire eaver 
was to make sacrifice of his dearest blood and life for the 
service of him whom he honoured under his Soveraigne 
above all the worlde beside. The Generall gave place 
to his earnest suite, shewinge in few wordes his good 
acceptance of that his kindenes with friendlie thanks, 
proposed unto him the daingers and carefullie instructed 
him Vv'hat course to take for his safetie, givinge him withall 
free choyse through all the companie of his shipp, to take 
such as hee thought meetest for his purpose in such an 

The good Captaine, puttinge on a verie willinge reso- 
lution to this service (notwithstandinge, as I hard him 
say, in his dreame the night before he did senciblie 

1 See Dudley's map and Kendall's narrative. "The Devil's Island" 
is marked on Capt. Edw. Thompson's map of TJic Coast of Guyana, 
1783, and on Tho. Jefferys' map of The Coast of Caracas, Ciiiiiana, etc., 
1794, to the west of Point Icacque. It does not appear in Chimmo's 
Admiralty Chart of Trinidad and the Gtelf of Paria, 1866-8. It is 
probably the rock now commonly called the Soldado. 

D 2 


pei'ceave himselfe drowneninge), toke unto him for his 
g[o]inge the two masters mates, the boatswaine, the 
gunners mate, the corporall and his mate, the armerer, 
a carpender, two proper younkers sailers, and two painfull 
and able Dutchmen. Thus havinge the daie before the 
bote sufficientlie trimmed and with sufficient preparacion 
of municion and victuall for some few dales, upon Thurse- 

20 Feb. daie, beinge the xx'h of Februarie, at the seconde watch 

in the night, [he] losed from the shipp side, havinge the 
weather fayre and caryinge with him the hartie praiers 
and well wishinge of us all for his faire condicions and 
good cariadge of himselfe towardes us all. The night 
beinge verie calme, his companie willinglie plied theire 

21 Feb, owers, and soe by daie, when the winde began to fresh 

more then enoughe upon them, they came to an anker 
before a place called Sorama.^ Yt blew soe much all 
the daie that it neither was saileworthy, nor coulde they 
possiblie use theire owers, soe that they continued all the 
daie at an anker, wheare they rid verie unquietlie, some 
of his companie beginninge to dispaire that they should 
hardlie gett passage over to the maine. But the Captaine, 
desiringe to performe the service to the uttermost of 
his power soe far forth as by anie reason he might be 
guided to the contentment of his deare and noble Generall, 
tolde his whole companie plainlie that hee woulde pro- 
ceed ; and soe at night it pleased God somwhat to 
mittigate the raginge of the seas and to give them a faire 
gale to putt them over to the maine. In his passage 
he caused the lead to bee much and often goinge and 
observed diligcntlie the tides, the currents, the indraughts, 
the highte of the lande with which they fell, [and] toke 
such markes as he coulde of the place whence he came 

^ Apparently on the south-west coast of Trinidad, and near Point 
Icacos. Dudley does not mention it. and it is not on his map. 


and [did] all such other thini;cs as the Gcnerall had vcric 
providcutlie, wyselie and carcfullie foretoldc, forewarned 
and commaunded him before. He allsoe receaved by 
way of commission a whole sheet of paper written with 
the Generalls owne handc, contayninge his minde and 
pleasure in all matters ; which the Captaine did not loke 
into himselfe, neither did he participate the same unto 
his companie, untell the}' drew neare to the place wheare 
the thinges weare to be putt in execution, wheare he 
was not a little carefull to see all things diligentlie per- 
formed and the service promoted to the uttermost that 
hec might possiblie. 

Upon Satterdaie, the xxii'i^ of Februarie, by the dawn- 22 Feb. 
inge of the daie or somwhat before, they aryved on the 
maine, wheare they ankored for a while till daylight 
appeared and then founde themselves by the informacion 
of theire Spanish Indian, named Baltizar, to be at the 
mouth of a great ryver called Capulia.^ They disankor- 
inge sett saile and had the winde with a tide to sett 
them inwarde, for it was upon the flood. I have harde 
Captaine Jobson gladlie and with pleasure make relacion 
of the wonderfull pleasauntnes for manie respects and 
most delectable varieties of manie thinges that was prae- 
sented to his eies, as well in that ryver of Capulia as 
the rest, which weare verie manie ; and, thus in general! 

^ Perhaps the Capure in the delta of the Orinoco (Ralegh, Discovcrie 
of Guiana^ p. 43, note i). According to Schomburgk, Ralegh's Capuri 
was a different branch, now the Macareo. Dudley gives Capulio as 
the name of the foreland, S. by W., " wanting a fourth part," from 
Curiapan, at 4 leagues distance, and says they entered by a small 
river called Cabota, in the land of the Veriotaus. By the latter he 
probably means the Uaraus or Waraus (Ralegh, p. 49, note i), and 
Cabota should perhaps more properly be Cabora, Capora in Arawak, 
signifying a small river {ib.^ p. loi, note i). In the list of names at 
the end of this narrative it appears, however, as Sabiota. It is not 
given in the map, where the Dudleano {cf. Kendall) represents the 
Capure. From the Cabota, according to Dudley, they passed, no 
doubt by one of the numerous lateral connections, into the Mana, 
Ralegh's Amana and the present Manamo. 


receavinge it from his owne mouth-reporte, soe much as 
I can well remember I will sett downe. But withall I 
must confess that the Captaine did not make anie publike 
declaracion how hee fownde the sowndings, either in* 
the cutt over to the maine or in the rivers hee passed 
theare, nor of theire names nor of the trafifique he had 
or other conference with the people ; but such things 
he did observe and did in private deliver unto our 
Generall accordinge as he had in chardge to doe. But 
thus he saith of those ryvers/ that they weare faire, 
spatious and broade, the water after one daies journey 
verie fresh, sweet and pleasaunte and navigable for small 
vessells, the banks munited naturallie with such uniforme 
and beawtifull exornacions, the trees and herbs growinge 
soe even and soe statelie high and tall as neather had 
he ever scene or doth thinke it possible eaver to see in 
anie walke, gardaine or arbour by mans witt, pollecie or 
arte soe cunningelie framed and sett forth, and oftentimes 
allsoe yealdinge a pleasante savoure when they passed 
neare the shore. The rivers weare frequented with store 
of fowle of divers strainge and pleasante collers, speciallie 
some all pure white, others of all vermilian red and manie 
of a perfect blew, infinite store of parratts, parakities and 
other great birds of most fine and well mixed collers, 
in sandie banks great store of tortoyses,^ manie fine 
marmasites of strainge collers friskinge in the trees, 
wonderfull store of fish, but of noe great bignes. 

^ " I neuer saw a more beawtiful countrey, nor more liuely prospectes, 
hils so raised heere and there ouer the valHes, the riuer winding into 
diuers braunches, the plaines adioyning without bush or stubble, all 
faire greene grasse, the ground of hard sand easy to march on, eyther 
for horse or foote, the deare crossing in euery path, the birds towardes 
the euening singing on eucry tree with a thousand seueral tunes, 
cranes and herons of white, crimson and carnation pearching on the 
riuers side," etc. (Ralegh, Discovcrie of Guiana^ p. 82). 

- On the freshwater turtles of the Orinoco, see Ralegh, op. cit., 
p. 63, note 2. 


After that the Captainc had passed with his bote fovvre 
daies, havinge gone some fourescore leagues by the true 
computacion of our best maryners, and had passed 
sundrye places habited, yeat the people differinge in 
language, at the last they came to a place wheare theare 
was much people of men, wocmen and children. And 
they weare a makinge certaine verie great canowes, the 
cheifest carpender beinge an aged olde creature, to whom 
the rest of the people gave great respect and reverence. 
The Captaine pra^sentinge him with a trifle from our 
Generall, hee did praesentlie dispatche a canowe with 
some five or six Indians to the mine of Calcurie.^ The 
commaunder of that place, returninge our messingers 
the next daie with a servante of his owne, promised to 
accomplish our desire and to com and traffique with our 
Captaine and his companie, which the daie followinge 
was performed. And towards night with a great noyse, 
havinge som 70 or odd persons in certaine canowes, he 
approched our bote in the night, which our Captaine 
would in noe wyse permitt, but willed that they shoulde 
resorte unto him the next daie, which they obeyed. This 
people praesented manie thinges, speciallie victuall, for 
traffique, but weare unwillinge to discover other things 
which our Captain most desired. Yeat in some things 

1 In the glossary at the end given as the native name for gold. It 
no doubt represents Canicicri or Cariiciiru^ which, according to 
Schomburgk, "in the Tamanac and Carib dialects signifies gold" 
(Ralegh, p. 100, note 2). There is, however, a curious entry about it 
in Pere Raymond Breton's Diet. Caraibc-Fraiiqais^ 1665 (ed. Platz- 
mann, 1892, p. 106), under Cal/oucoult, in which it is distinguished 
from gold : " c'est un metail qu'on a envoye en France pour le 
cognoistre et contrefaire, mais inutillement, nos Sauuages ont toujours 
discerne la fraude. L'argent, For mesme ne les touche pas h. son 
egard. Ce metail a cet aduantage que la roiiille, ne le vert-de-gris, 
ne I'attaque point, ny I'huile, ny le rocou, ny I'ordure mesme ne le 
salit pas tant qu'en passant la main dessus vous ne le nettoyez. lis 
en font des croissans, qu'ils pendent h. leur cols, et c'est le plus riche 
de leur bijous. lis en font des pailles larges comme le doigt qu'ils 
attachent a leur nez perce," etc. 


contented [he] hastned to returne, havinge hyred another 
Indian for a nearer passage in our returne, and had such 
favour with the Calcurian captaine that he sent allsoe one 
of his small canowes to attende our bote, takinge his leave 
of our Captaine with to much the Spanish grace. Most 
of his people weare tall of stature and of verie manlike 
visage, caryinge Indian bowes an[d] swordes, and most of 
them havinge some little tast of the Spanish tounge. 

Our Spanish Indian guide Baltizar at the first incounter 
with the Calcurian commaunder semed verie unwillinge 
to be seen unto him or to have anie conference with 
him, but was afterwards content to talke with him 
and, as I feare, more then enoughe ; for all thcire con- 
ference was in the Indian tounge, which our Captaine 
nor anie of his companie did understande. And albeit 
the sayd Baltizar had not throughlie satisfied the ex- 
pectacion of our Captaine, yet did hee wiselie dissemble 
his conceipte, that neither by word nor countenance 
the sayd Indian might perceave anie other then good 
acceptaunce of all his doings and proceedings. But 
the subtell villaine, who desired nothinge more then his 
libertie and knew within himselfe how weaidie hee had 
answeared our reposed trust and his owne promise, 
devised meanes for his escape, and soe, by a collour of 
bringinge us the nearest waie, brought them into a verie 
narrow ryver, beinge little more then twise the botes 
length, incombred with great branches and whole armes 
of trees lyinge across. And withall the weather provinge 
hasey and wett and all our provision of victuall consumed, 
savinge that which was bought of the Indians, the com- 
panie went on shore to make readie theire victuall, 
leavinge allwaies a sufficient watch upon the Indians, 
that they shoulde not gett avvaie. Our Captaine had a 
great desire to have made the said Baltizar fast, but, in 
as much as he had receaved him wn'thowt bonds of the 


General, hoc stood cloubtfull what to doc in that behalfe, 
not knowingc in soc <4;i-cat a straight what ambuskado 
might be laide or practise of those Indians in theirc owne 
countreis to the damage of him and his companie. The 
canowe which the Calcurian sent with us kept asterne 
for the most parte, somtimc neare at liand, and [they] 
weare releeved by us for theire victualL Beside Baltizar 
theare was two other Indians in our bote, the one our 
hyred guide, the other of the canowes companie. All 
the night wee held them safe in the bote. Our companie, 
makinge great hast to the shipp and finding theire labour 
with the ower yrksome in the heat of the daie, weare 
desirous to be stirringe in the night, and soe wee dis- 
ankored about two of the clock in the night, most of 
the companie havinge taken little rest, the weather fowle 
and drowsie, the passage verie troublesome by reason 
of whole trunckes and bodies of trees lyinge cross the 
mouth of that narrow ryver, over which men weare forced 
to Carrie the bote upon theire shoulders by maine strength. 
And whilst wee weare theare pusled, before daylight 
appeared, Baltizar, like a trecherous villaine, dropped 
overborde with his companion and sodenlie gott into 
the thicketts, wheare theare was noe possibilitie to re- 
cover them. The companie much amazed called the 
Captaine, beinge a little before sett downe to take some 
repose, who findinge noe remedie makes the best of the 
matter and caused prresentlie hands to be laide on the 
other Indian guide and him to be fast bownde with cordes 
and ropes ; of whome they had little comforte, in respect 
none understood his language. 

Heare will I leave our Captaine and his companie 
pusled in the bote and returne to speake of our conceipts 
aborde the shipp. For theire longe absence eaverie private 
person gave his censure as his fancie led him, bemoninge 
the loss of theire mate and companion. The master 


Abraham Kendall, of whom wee weare to receave our 
cheifest light, did give the bote and companie lost. Onlie 
the General! retayned good hope and assurance in his 
minde to see his kinseman, whom hee much favoured 
for his longe and faithfull love, togeather with his com- 
panie and bote, to be safelie returned to him againe. 
Wee did dailie aborde make sacrifice to God, in great 
devotion callinge upon Him in hartie prayer for them. 

Now returne I againe to our Captaine, who, as it is 
reported, greatlie encouraged his companie, which willinglie 
did undertake great travaile and theareby in short time 
had gott themselves out of that straite and uncomfortable 
place to a more spacious ryver,^ wheare wee toke direction 
from our Indian pilott by the motion and wryinge of his 
mouth, hee neaver sayinge anie other thinge then Paracoa? 
And this wretch, when wee thought him most safelie 
bownde, much aboute the same season in another night 
made escape overborde, but, the river beinge bigger, wee 
gave him chase and had thearein good sporte ; but I 
thinke he hardlie eaver returned to his countrey, for 
that hee was stricken with a browne bill. Thus weare 
they left unto themselves, havinge not bin in anie parte 
of thease rivers before ; but, findinge by the course of 
the tide that they had theire returne into the sea, they 
founde a passage and recovered the seaside againe. But 
imagininge that they had bin to the eastwarde, when 
they weare indeed verie much to the westward, they weare 
put to leewarde and, insteed of goinge to the ilande' of 

1 Dudley calls it the Braha, and in his map he gives this name to a 
branch connecting the Capure (Dudleano) with the Amana. Perhaps 
it was the branch now known as the Vagre, which would bring them 
out on the western side of the Bay of Guanipa. See also the list ot 
names below, p. 65. 

^ Probably he meant that they were nearing the sea, bara in 
Arawak meaning the sea, and k^an to be there {cf. Brinton, The 
A?-awack Language of Guiana^ 187 1, p. 14). In Caribbee, Paraguay 
according to Humboldt {Pe?-so>ial Narrative^ 182 1, v, p. 785), means 
the sea. 


Trinidado, putt into a bay of the mainc ; which they at 
length perceaved, and with unspeakable dainger and 
infinite travaile, theire victuall spent and fresh water 
consumed, they susteyned a great temptacion. At which 
time, and all other times of theire greatest extremities, 
it is reported generallie that they receaved great comforte 
and consolacion by the vertuous exhortacion and speeches 
of theire Captaine, layinge before them the mightie provi- 
dence of God, which in mans greatest weaknes and 
infirmitie sheweth Himselfe stronge and of most force 
and puissance. At length with much labour, both in 
rowinge, towinge and caryinge the bote, the}- recovered 
over the indraughts and currents and gott to the wind- 
ward of the rock called Diabolo and soe putt over and 
seyced the iland. But not findinge theire shipp at the 
place wheare they left her at theire departure, most of 
the company weare verie much discomforted and dismaide, 
not knowinge what to doe. But our Captaine wishinge 
them eaver with patience to attend the pleasure of God, 
which eaver worketh for the best to them that feare Him, 
etc., shortlie after they discried our shipp at an anker 
before Paracow, called by our Generall Porte Perigrine. 
And soe beinge recovered aborde, wheare they weare 
with great joye and tryumph receaved both by the 
Generall and the whole companie, the which was signified 
by the shootinge of the great ordenance and small shott 
for the space of a whole ower both owt of the admerall 
and allsoe Captain Pophames^ shipp, all togeather answear- 
ing each other, this night wee spent with great joy and 
gladnes, giving God thanks for the safe returne of 
our men. 

^ He had arrived with a pinnace of Plymouth while the boat was 
absent {cf. Dudley, p. 75). No doubt he was the Capt. George Popham 
who took at sea, in 1594, "certaine Spanyardes letters concerning 
Guiana," an abstract of which was printed by Ralegh as an appendix 
to his Dis cover ic of Gidafia. 


Soe the next day, Wyatt beinf^e appointed by our 
Genefall to goe ashore with som 30 men lay theare untell 
Satterday, providinge such things -as was directed him by 
the master Abraham Kendall. Thus after it had pleased 
God to restore safe to our Generall those companie I 
spake of now before, which by his owne directions he sent 
to the maine, noe otherwyse knovvne but to be a continent 
joyninge to Brazeile, and by him called the continent of 
Calcurie, in the Indian language the worde for golde — in 
the meane time, whilst this enterprize was in execution, 
our Generall had 7 or 8 of the cheife Indians of Trinidado, 
that voluntarilie wear content to yeald theire dwtie and 
allegiance to her Majestic and withall desirous to see the 
gallant florishinge kingdome of Englande, havinge by 
some Christians hard both of it and the admirable fame 
of our most gratious soveraigne, who is^ a Oueene milde 
and gentle and the on lie Christian prince that doth with- 
stande the crueltie of the t}'ranous Spaniarde, the which 
maketh her gratiousnes to be more then admired through- 
out all the face of the earth, not onlie by Christians but 
allsoe by pagans, infidles and salvages, who continuallie 
unto theire great greife feele the smarte of the others 
rigor. By the reporte, I sale, of thease Indians that 
yealded themselves unto our Generall, [he] had notes 
given him of the towne wheare this calcurie was melted 
into mettall. Whearupon our Generall, havinge all his 
men safe returned and desirous to see the triall of this 
mettall, gave directions for his marchinge up into the 
countrey for the discoverie of this towne and people, 
the which made this calcurie, that is, golde, of the mettall 
which they gett out of this ore. The which is gotten out 
of this myne that was discovered before by our Generall, 
who beinge wonderfuU desirous to see the end of this 

1 MS. beinge. 


discovcric, both as well for the service of her Majestic 
as allsoe for the good of his countrey, upon Satterda}', 8 Mar. 
beinge the viij^'^ day of March, landed some 30 men and 
one Captain e Popham some ten men, who came unto 
the ilande some five daies before. Wyatt, lyinge then 
ashore with 30 men more, rcceavcd his Gcnerall with a 
vallew of small shott ; after the which, directions beinge 
given from our Generall unto his Leiftenant Generall 
Captaine Jobson, who signified what his pleasure was 
unto Wyatt and Vincent, wee marshalled our men in 
beinge in good order, our good Generall leadinge the 
march, Captaine Jobson the vawarde, Wyatt the battle 
of pike, and Vincent in the rearward. Thus marchinge 
unto the wood side, wee weare then inforced, for the 
more easie passage of our men, to march one after one. 
The woods weare soe thick that wee had all our longe 
march but a footpath to pass through, the which how 
laboursome a thinge it was they onlie can judge of, which 
weare partakers of the travailes or performers of the like 
in the same countreis, which differ from all the worlde 
beside with the strainge growth of theire woodes. 

Thus with much toile and extreamc travaile wee marched 
on towards this place I first spake of, named Carowa ;^ 
and by the way wee went to a towne called Paracow, 
hopinge to have taken one Braio, an Indian which is 
reported by the Indians to be verie expert in meltinge of 
this discovered ore into the mettall of calciirie, which wee 
call golde, whose howse was not far from the sea side 
wheare wee weare used to lie insconsed, and, beinge 
accostomed unto our sounde of trumpetts and shootingc 
of our peeces at the settinge and dischardginge of eaverie 
watch, never mistrusted us untell w^ee weare come upon 

1 Neither this place, nor Loweco below, is mentioned by Ralegh. 
It appears in Dudley's map as " Carao." 


him ; who soe hardlie escaped us that he was driven to 
leave his victualls seethinge on the fyre readie to be eaten, 
of the which labour our men eased him, hee onlie with 
his famulie escapinge into the woods and soe saved 
themselves. Soe not makinge anie staie theare, for our 
Generall woulde suffer none of theire howses to be rifeled 
or towched, wee passed one our march unto another towne 
called Lovveco, wheare our souldiers weare not permitted 
to take anie thinge neither, by reason our Generall was 
desirous to bringe the Indians to convers with us in all 
kinde of familiaritie. 

Thus [wee] passed^ forwardes, somtimes through dertie 
and comfortles vallies, somtimes over high and unpleasinge 
mountaines, other times through deep and daingerous 
ryvers, at noe time free from troublesome and comber- 
some woodes, in the marchinge of som xx. English 
miles unto the towne Carowa, unto the which towne 
wee came by night, albeit it was somthinge late. And 
beinge com thither wee founde the people fled, the 
howses dispossessed of all theire wealth, onlie some of the 
ore the which our Generall had discovered with theire 
meltinge potts and some of the dross ;- the which con- 
tented our Generall, for that it was a confirmacion of 
thease reportes the which the Indians had made before 
unto our Generall. The cause that made thease people 
flie from us, as it should seem, was the sowndinge of our 
trumpetts and drome with the continuall noyse of shootinge 
of our peeces, the which wee did of purpose that wee 
might still give notes unto the Spaniard which way wee 
marched, with our collers displaide in honour of Englande 
and maugrc the Spaniards berd, albeit wee had true 

^ MS. passinge. 

2 So Ralegh : " I saw an Indian basket hidden, which was the 

refiners basket, for I found in it his quicksilver, saltpeter and 

also the dust of such ore as he had refined'' (p. 59). 


informacion that hce was at the least some 200 strongc 
of fightincjc men, beside the huge nomber of the Indians 
subject unto his yoke, the which have a kinde of order 
amonge them for theire alarumes by the sowndinge of a 
great pipe, the which they performe with such arte as that 
on a soden yow shall have all quarters up in armes, as if 
they had bin instructed with the greatest discipline of the 
best men of war in the worldc. 

But to m}' purpose. Beinge com unto the towne and 
our companies quartred, our cowrtes of gard placed and 
centronells sett, wee might senciblie heare the noysc of 
theire pipes in everie quarter ; the which gave us occasion 
to perswade ourselves that wee shoulde be incountred by 
the enimie. And that night the Generall givinge the 
chardge of his Indians to severall men, it hapned one 
of them to be committed unto one of those which had 
bin in the performance of that service on the which our 
bote was sent, and seeinge much villanie practised by 
thease in his companie he^ not onlie piniond them with 
tying their handes fast behinde them, but with his naked 
dagger threatned theire throates, if anie trecherie weare 
plaied by them against us. The which hard usage when 
our Generall hard [he] forbad, and the Indians beinge 
sufifred to sitt afterwarde at libertie, beinge fearfull of 
his hard usage, in the night one of them stole awaie, and 
soe our Generall, perceavinge theire feare, toke the less 
care of keepinge them perforce, judginge that actioma to 
be authenticall quod dmtiirnitatis mains est ciistos tiinor. 

The next morninge, beinge Sonday, in the morninge 9 Mar. 
betimes wee sett forwarde with as great care as possible 
wee coulde, not imagininge but that wee should be in- 
countred by the way home, our Generall unto the great 
joye and comfort of his followers leadinge the march, 

1 MS. and. 


givinge such comfortable speec[h]es unto his companies 
that, allthough the waies weare daingerous, troublesome 
and comfortles, ycat wee marched it with great pleasure 
and cam that night unto our shippinge. 
o, II Mar. The next daie, beinge Mondaie, wee fitted ourselves, 
and the next day, beinge Twseday, the xi^ii of March, 
betweene twelve of the clock and one, wee disankored 
from the ilande of Trinidado and sett saile, bearinge north 
and by east, and came within some 3 leagues of the 
mouth of the current called the straights of Calcurie,^ 
between the maine continent of the West Indies, parte of 
the cost of Cracos, called the high land of Paria, one of 
the fruitfullest places in the worlde for excellent good 
tobacco, which is called for his worthines cane tobacco,- 
^ and the other part bordringe over against beinge the 
north west partes of the ilande of Trynidado. 

12 Mar. The next day, allthough with some dainger by the reason 

of the difficultnes of the straightnes of the current, yeat 
with safetie, God be thanked, wee passed and, bearinge 
as close by the winde as possible wee coulde, made^ for 
the iland of Granado ; but the current was soe stronge 
that it caryed us soe far to leewarde that it was impossible 
for us to reach it. Whearefore our Generall determined to 
make for St. John,^ and in passinge thitherwarde it pleased 
God to bless him soe that on the xij^^ (j^y of March at 

13 Mar. foure of the clock at night, beinge Thurseday, wee had 

sight of a Spanish shipp, the which wee gave chase unto 
and by midnight brought her within the dainger of our 

^ As they had entered the Gulf of Paria through the Serpent's 
Mouth, round the south-western extremity of Trinidad, they left it by 
the Dragon's Mouth, between the north-western extremity and the 
promontory of Paria. " Cracos" apparently represents Caracas. 

^ Murray's Neiv En^lisJi Dictionary o^woifts Harington's ir/^/Vncw.r, 
161 2, iv, p. 34 : "Then of tobacco he a pype doth lack Of Trinidade 
in cane, in leaf or ball." 

3 MS. makinge. 

■* The island of San Juan de I'ncrto Rico (see below). 


cj^rcat shott, notwithstanding-c when shcc appeared first in 
Slight shee was some fowrc leagues to weather of us, a 
thingc most strainge to be accomplished in soe shortc a 
space. And wee had not made three great shott at them 
but they submitted themselves unto our Generalls mercie, 
signif}'in<Te theire submission by strikinge theire sailes, and 
cam imder our lee. Upon theire submission our General 1 
sent Captain Jobson and the master to take sight of such 
commodities as they weare ladend withall, and they 
findinge them to be ladend with wine, iron, linnen, hatts 
and such commodities as weare fittinge for the Indians 
decreed the next morninge to putt in for Margarita and 
theare to make the best of her ; but after altringe theire 
determinacion they made for the same porte they first 
determined, beinge S' John de Porte Recho. The Spanish 
prisoners which weare aborde with us confessed that the 
next moneth, beinge Aprill, the Indies fleet determined for 
Spaine, the nomber some 150 saile, the richest fleet that 
eaver cam out of the West Indies, the great PJiilUpp oj 
Spaiiic beinge theare to wafte them home as theire chiefe 
admerall, with a great companie of the best armathoes the 
Kinge of Spaine hath. 

Thus continuinge on for the iland aforenamed, wee sailed . 
untell Monday night till twelve of clock at night, at what 17 J^iar. 
time wee discried land, and runninge in to make the same 
wee founde it to be the iland of S* de Cruce.^ Soe, 
runninge all alongst the side of it, wee bare away for 
S^ John de Porte Recho, the which wee discried by 
Twseday dinner. Soe, passinge alongst this iland this 18 Mar. 
night, wee stroke saile and lay at hull untell morninge, 
beinge most mightelie troubled for halfe the night with 
a most tempestuous gust, afterwardes continuinge our 

^ Santa Cruz, a small island lying between Puerto Rico and St. 


20 Mar course untell Thurseday, somtimes lyinge at hull stayinge 

for our prize ; the which beinge com up, by Thurseda}- 
three or foure of the clock wee came to an anker on the 
south west parte of the ilande of S^ John de Porte Recho. 

21 Mar. The next day, beinge Friday, all the prisoners by the 

commaunde of our Generall weare delivered unto Wyatt, 
who, causinge a bote to be manned forth, went with them 
ashore, givinge them some victuall to finde them untell 
they might com to the partes of the ilande the which was 
inhabited. Who upon theire departure after theire Spanish 
fastion vayled theire bonnetts in the honour of our Generall, 
but thought verie hardlie of Wyatt for dealinge soe stricklie 
with them ; for, by the meanes our Generall used them soe 
kindelie, they forgott that they weare prisoners, but beinge 
from the Generalls sight they then did learne that, beinge 
captives, they weare to suffer with patience the fortune of 
the warrs. And yeat P protest before God I used them in 
such sorte as, if my fortune weare to be towched with the 
like miserie or punnishment (as theare is noe calamitie but 
wee are all subject unto) I would wish to be soe delt 
withall. By this time that I was returned our prize began 
to drive, and they strivinge to tack aboute to gett the 

22 Mar. winde weare driven soe far to leeward that it was Satterday 

morninge before shee coulde recover us againe. 

After which time our men wrought dalie to hoyse aborde 
all such goodes that shee had bestowed in her, and upon 
-23 Mar. Sondaic, by that time wee had dined, wee might discrie 
on shore a flagg of truce and waved to parlle with us. 
Wheareupon our Generall commaunded a bote to be 
manned forth [and] committed the commaunde of her 
unto Wyatt, givinge him in chardge that he should have a 
speciall regarde unto the men he had with him, and that 

^ The writer here, as also a little further on, again identifies himself 
with Captain Wyatt. 

vova(;e to the west indies. 51 

he shoulde not in anic case trust the Spaniard, but stand 
allwaies on his owne guardc ; the which in everie respect 
I performed. For beini^e com unto the shore side, I 
suffred none of my companie to goc on shore, but caused 
the Spaniard the which was the captaine of the Spaniards 
of the prize to com from his companie and com himselfe 
unto the water side and theare to deliver unto mee his 
mindc, havinge an interpriter to shew me his request. 
The which was that one of our companie should make as 
thoughe hee wouldc shoote at him and soe overshoote him 
that it may seme unto the other Spaniards that wee toke 
him perforce, for that hee came without his flagg of truce 
with him. The which was no soener executed, but the 
Spanish captain fell downe and the other ran awaie, fearinge 
least the like might happen unto him. And soe havinge him 
alone, his request was that hee might be brought aborde, 
for hee desired to have some conference with our Generall, 
whose request wee^ graunted and soe brought him abord 
with us. Beinge com unto our Generall, his request was 
unto him that he would bestow the hull on him with some 
old saile ; but it was thought good he should be denied it, 
least, havinge her, hee might goe into other barbers and 
give notes of our Generalls lyinge theare of and on, which 
might be a greate hindrance unto the makinge of our 

The next morninge, beinge Mondaye morninge, the 24 Mar. 
master caused her to be towed up unto the admerall, 
layinge her side by side, and by one or two of the clock 
the same day our men had soe laboured that shee had 
nothinge left in her but such substance as was fitt to burn 
with her for companie ; and beinge sett on f}-re shee 
continued burninge all that day and most parte of the 
night. Whearat the Spaniarde toke noe great pleasure, 

1 MS. beinge. 

E 2 


but besought the Generall that he might be sett on shore 
and that hee woulde send some one with him that might 
have such commaunde that hee might be kept from beinge 
rifeled of those that weare to sett him on shore. The 
which our Generall graunted and, calling unto Wyatt, 
gave commaundment unto him to make choyse of sufficient 
men to man the bote and sett him on shore ; the which 
was done. 

And upon our returne prsesentlie [wee] wayed anker 
and sett saile this dale, between one and two of the 

25 Mar. clock, beinge Twsedaie the xxv'h of March, passinge 
that night most difficultlie and daingerouslie between 
S^ John de Porte Recho and the ilande Zechea,^ and 
havinge somtimes most soden gustes and againe in a 
moment beinge starke becalmed, soe that between soden 
gustes, dertie foggs, flatt calmes, and the settinge of 
head seas in soe darke a night within soe straight and 
daingerous a passage, it gave occasion of little sleep 
unto our watchful! Generall and less rest unto our 
carefuU and provident master ; whom I must not onlie 
commende for his singuler perfection in this arte of navi- 
gation, excellinge all others in his profession as a rare 
scholler, a most selldome thinge in a maryner, but the 
good cariadge allsoe for the good preservacion of the 
health of all those being under his chardge. But passinge 
the straighte wee bare awaie north and by east for some 
two dales as the winde woulde suffer us, but after altered 
that course and bare for the coste of Florida, a more 
westernlie course, to lie in the wake of the fleet of the 
West Indies bownde for Spaine. 

Soe sailinge alongc by the coste of Virginia wee came 

II Apr. by the xi"^ of Aprill, beinge Friday, soe far to the north- 
warde that wee fell with the hight of the Bermudes, a 

1 About midway between Puerto Rico and Hispaniola or San 


climctt soc far diffcrinQc from the nature of all others 
from uiuler the which wee had allrcadie passed that wee 
mii^ht then thinke ourselves most happie when wee weare 
most farthest from it. For had I as manie tounges as 
hath my head heares, and everie one the use of the pens 
of readie writers, ycat might I com to short of the true 
description of the extremitie of this outragious weather 
which this place continuallie affordeth without anie inter- 
mission of times. For often before wee have had dain- 
gerous gustes, and they not soe sodenlie hapninge but 
as sodenlie vanishinge ; but thease [were] ever ordinarie 
and theire daingers still extrordinarie, theire dreadfull 
flashinge of lightninge, the horrible claps of thunder, the 
monstrous raginge of the swellinge seas forced up into the 
ayre by the outragious windes, all togeather conspiringe in 
a moment our destruction and breathinge owt, as it wear, 
in one breath the verie last blast of our confusion, soe that 
— this beinge a generall actioma of all seafaringe men 
delivered for a veritie, both of our English and the Spanish, 
French and Portingall, that hell is noe hell in comparison 
of this, or that this itselfe is hell withowt anie comparison — 
all this^ togeather did betoken greater greife to us then 
can be spoken. But thease weare but prsepratives to 
further daingers. After wee weare past the meridian of 
the Bermudes our courses brought us not far from the cost 
of Labradore or Nova Francia, which wee knew by the 
great aboundance of whalles. Between this and New 
Found Land, not 60 leagues from the daingerous Hand of 
Sabels,^ wheare Sir Humfrey Gilbartes admerall was cast 
awaie, and much about that place himselfe in a pinnes 

1 MS. which. 

- Sable Island, in the Atlantic, 44' N., 60° W. Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert himself went down in the little Squirrel at midnight of 
9 September, 1583, near the Azores. The Delight^ however, his 
largest vessel, had previously been lost on a shoal between St. John's 
and Sable Island (Hakluyt, iii, p. 197). 


with the outragiousnes of one of the most terrible stormes 
that eaver was seen was suncke and swallowed in the 
merciles occian — not above 60 leagues, I say, of this 
daingerous place thus wcare our sorrowes agravated. Wee 
had the winde for our course favowrable, but disfavowringe 
for our safetie, for soe continuallie weare his threats 
intollerable that everie ower thundred hee forth his storme, 
and everie storme threatned unto us noe less then death. 
And allthough, Right Honorable,^ the remembrance of our 
forepassed sorrowes wil be little less then a present death 
to our dawnted spiritts, the which wee not without great 
anguish of soule did then indure, neither without bitternes 
of passion can I resist nor your honour pittiless can heare. 
For this was our onlie comforte that, beinge mortified and 
resolved to dye, of sinfull and earthlie creatures wee weare, 
by yealdinge nature her dwe dett, to be made saintes for 
God, verilie beleevinge then to be made partakers of His 
heavenlie happines and everie one givinge his last farewell 
to his best and most dearest freinds, desirous to see the 
last end of this sorrowfull stratagem. But at last, when, 
through the foggs that ryss out of the seas, the blacknes of 
the skie coulde not be seen for the darcknes of the ay re, 
when wee expected nothing less then splittinge of sailes, 
breakinge of shrowdes, spendinge of mastes, springinge of 
plankes — in a worde the dreadfuU devouringe of us all 
by some sea swallowinge wherlepole — wee weare most 
myraculouslie delivered. For this fogg beinge converted 
into soe monstrous a shower of rayne that it shoulde seme 
the verie windowes of heaven weare sett open that it might 
with the more speed worke our deliverance fell with such 
vehemencie that it not onlie alaied the ragings of the 
fearefull seas growne and sowlne up into an incredible 
bienes, but brake the hart of that most bitter storme. 

1 There is nothing to show who is thus addressed : probably Sir 
Robert Cecil. 


Thus whilst wee wcare all soe matcd^ and mascd that, 
neither hearinge what the master sayd for the whistlinge 
and bussing of the windes, nor knowinge for feare what to 
amende, yeat, to to well [wee] knew that all things weare 
amiss, wee weare most myraculousl}' by the mightie hand 
of God, past mans capacitie and alltogeather unlocked for 
of ourselves, safelie delivered. 

And before it pleased God to inflict upon us this 
punnishment, hee foretolde us by his warninge messinger a 
most rare accident ; for the eaveninge before theare fell 
a fyre,- the which of the maryners is called Santelmo 
or Corposantie ; the which appeareth before anie tem- 
pestuous weather as a presagement of a most dainegerous 
storme. And for that the opinion[s] of all wryters are 
variable as concerninge the true essence of it, I am per- 
swaded theare can be noe certaine truth delivered of it. 
The Greeks they call it Poliduces, the Lattins call it 
Castor and PoIIu.k ; Plynie wryteth that it is as well seene 
at land in a great armie of men as at sea amonge the 
maryners ; Virgill in his second of ifLneidos semeth to 
confirme it, sayinge that such appeared on the head of 
Julius Ascanius ; and Titus Lyvius affirmeth that such 
a like thinge appeared upon the head of Servius Tullius, 
the sixt Kinge of the Romaines.-^ But howsoeaver it 
seemeth to be variablie censured of sundrie writers, thys is 

1 So the Doctor in Macbeth, v, i : " My mind she has mated and 
amazed my sight." The metaphor is, of course, taken from chess. 

2 The Corpo Santo or St. Ehiio's Fire, names given to the balls of 
electric light seen on the masts and yard-arms of a ship in stormy 
weather. Thus, in the account of Sir H. Gilbert's voyage, just before 
his foundering : " We had also upon our main-yard an apparition of a 
little tire by night, which seamen doe call Castor and Pollux. But 
we had onely one, which they take an euill signe of more tempest. 
The same is usuall in stormes" (Hakluyt, iii, p. 202). There is a good 
note on the subject in The Voyages and Works of Johji Davis, ed. 
A. H. Alarkham, Hakluyt Soc, 1880, p. 164. 

^ The references are to Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii, cap. 2,7 ; Virgil, ^n., 
ii, 11, 681-4 ; and Livy, i, cap. 39. 


for a certaintie agreed upon, that it foretelleth some great 
thinge to com, and if it appeare in two lights, then goodnes, 
and yf but one, then some eminent dainger at hand to 
cnshue, and especiallie at sea ; for, if but one fyre is sene, 
it presageth a most cruell, daingerous and tempestuous 
storme, hazardinge both shipp, goodes and the Hves of all 
such as happen to be in it. This is not onlie confirmed by 
all sortes of nations which are navigators, as Spaniards, 
French, Portingalls, Turkes, Mores, yea all kinde of sea- 
faringe men, but wee unto our great perill weare made 
oculati testes, which in my opinion unto us was and is more 
authenticall then if wee weare delivered by the reportes of 
thowsands. It is a fearefull tale to tell and a discourse 
dreadfull unto the hearer to have delivered for a truth, 
that in the night a substance of fyre resemblinge the shape 
of a fierie dragon should fall into our sailes and theare 
remaine some quarter of an ower, after fallinge upon the 
deck passinge from place to place, readie to sett all on 
fyre, for that fyre moste commonlie converteth all things 
into the same substance that hee himselfe is of, which is 
fyre, being the true confirmacion of that actioma of Aris- 
totle that omnc tale efficit uiajtis tale. This, I say, might 
seme dreadfull to the hearer, but much more dreadfull 
unto us that with our eies beheld it. This was strainge, 
but the event much more strainge, for this fyerie dragon, 
havinge continued some halfe ower unto the astonishment 
of us all, vanished without anie harme done either unto 
our shippinge or anie of our companie, but the sequell 
most strainge, as you have allreadie hard in the description 
of this last storme, and yeat not soe strainge as true. 

Thus as men prepared for God, allwaies leadinge our 
lives as if wee should dye owerlie, we passed on forwarde 
of our course towards the ilands of Flowers and Corves^ 

^ Flores and the smaller island Coivo, the most western of the 



with a most forseable gale of windc, saylingc between 
the Bermudes and thcasc ilands with such an incredible 
swiftnes that not onlie our masters mates in theire 
reckningc weare overseen som hundred leagues, but the 
master himselfc was deccaved in the swifte gate of our 
shipp and caused our Generall to reduce his reckninge 
back som 50 leagues. Whose ownc observacion if he 
had lett stood had brought him directlie with the fall of 
the ilands, whose meridian wee fell withall b}' the xxviij'h 
day of Aprill, beinge Twsedaie ; and runninge in between 28 Apr. 
them wee wear discried by the ilanders, the which toke 
us to be some of the fleet com from the Indies and came 
forth with a carvell stored, as it should seem, with victuall. 
The which came directlie with us, but, at last descryinge 
what wee weare, cast abowt and stood againe into the 
shore, soe that by noe meanes wee might doe anie harme 
unto her. 

After which day wee sett forwarde for Englande and 
sa}-led with a reasonable gale of winde homwarde for 
some fowre dales, and then the winde came up unto the 
north east contrarie unto our course and held some two 
daies, [but] after came aboute fayre for us for Englande. 
Soe, takinge our opportunitie, wee shaped our course 
for our cost untell the vi''^ of May, beinge Twsedaie ; on 6 May. 
which day at three of the clock in the afternoone our 
Generall beinge on the quarter deck in lookinge abroade 
was the first that scryed a sayle, unto which by all the 
meanes wee coulde, workinge warelie to keep the winde, 
wee gladlie gave chase. And in short time wee fett her 
up and haylinge her required amaine^ for the Queene of 
Englande ; but she verie stoutlie keepinge her loofe bare 
with us [and] neaver budged for anie thinge that coulde 

' To amain, from the French aincner, was to lower the topsail as a 
sign of yielding, or in salute to a superior. 


be done, notwithstandinge that wee had frankhe bestowed 
upon her verie rownde and sownde voUies of shott, both 
small and great, continuinge and warmelie maintayninge 
the same for the space of five or six owers. They verie 
proudlie ever and anon resaluted us againe with such 
as they had, givinge us thearebie to know that they weare 
otherwyse provided then wee expected or wished them 
to be. In the meane space wee had the opportunitie 
well to vew and survey her, and made her a shipp of 
three hundred tun,^ beinge indeed a verie fine snugg long 
shipp, havinge on each side vi. portes open, beside her 
chase and her sterne peeces. Her ordinance lyinge well 
to pass, shee went as upright as a church, havinge fine 
contryved close fightes^ with nettings and graplings in 
as warlike manner as anie armatho of the kings that 
was presented in the narrow seas, when wee had the 
memorable conflict with the Spanish forces. Our olde 
seamen gave theire sundry censures of her, some one 
thinge, some another, but all agreed in this that shee 
was a man of war and a wafter either to theire Byskin^ 
fleet of fishermen for Newfoundlande or bounde to meet 
theire Indian fleet now comminge home. But whatso- 
eaver shee might be, the resolucion of our worthy younge 
Generall was to have a further sayinge unto her, and 
thearefore [hee] caused his leiftenant Captaine Jobson 
to commaunde the gunners to make readie all such great 
peeces of ordinance as weare not allreadie dismounted and 
stowed, as allsoe to make good store of cartrages against 
the morninge, to give this our prowde consorte a warme 
breakfast, keepinge them wakinge in the night now and 

^ Dudley says she was ot 600 tons, while Kendall contents himself 
with describing her as "a very great galleon." 

^ Screens, or protections, along the bulwarks for the combatants. 

' Biscayan. A " wafter" is used in the sense of a convoy, like the 
verb "to waft" on p. 49. 


then with a cross-bar shott. And to sale the truth, they 
wcarc not idle, neither did theire h"g"ht goc owt all the 
niglit, but still rummidginge, as it seemeth, provided well 
for theire defence. Captaine Jobson, most carefull and 
diligent to have the Generalls will, pleasure and service 
througlie performed, caused the botcswaine to stow downe 
in howlde all truncks, chests and other things alofte, 
makinge the decks afore and afte fayre platformes cleare 
of anie pesteringe or impediments. And to prevent all 
wants [hee] toke out of the rome good store of powlder of 
rownde shott, of langrell^ shot, gadds of Steele for dice 
shott and cross-barrs, with provision of lead for bullets 
and match for our musketers, givinge order to M^" Wyatt 
and to M'" Vincent, two ould and discreet souldiers, to see 
that the corporalls should have all thinges in a readines 
that pertayned to theire chardge and everie souldier his 
furniture as yare and fine as might be ; the which beinge 
before in great forwardnes was sone accomplished. 

Soe in the morninge by breake of day, our good shipp 
beinge putt in her best trym and all things in a perfect 
readines, Captaine Jobson caused the collers of our 
countrey and of our Generall to be advansed in the topps, 
poope and shrowdes of our shipp. And givinge worde 
unto the Generall, hee came forth unarmed, havinge onlie 
his leadinge staff in his hand, [and] saluted and incouraged 
his people, placinge them in this sort : himselfe toke his 
standinge on the open deck, wheare hee might best see 
and be seen of his enimies and might allsoe have an eye 
upon his gunners and small shott and an eare to the 
master and conduct of his shipp, [and hee] willed Captain 

^ Langrel or langrage shot were " fragments of iron bound together, 
so as to fit the bore of the cannon" (Smyth, Sazlor^s Word Book). A 
gad was properly a spike of metal, but also means a bar, as in this 
case, when it seems to have been cut into short lengths so as to make 
the small cubical bullets known as die or dice shot. 


Jobson to take some few small shott upon the poope, 
placinge the trumpetts on the topp of the masters cabbin, 
M"" Wyatt and M"^ Vincent placinge the corporalls and the 
rest of the musketers in the forecastle, in the boughes and 
other places of the shipp, themselves and the Generalls 
servants, beinge all fine and readie shott, neare abovvte the 
Generall. Amonge which companie M^ Thomas Comley, 
ovvt of a manlie courage and a wonderfull resolucion, 
performed this day with his muskett incredible good 
service. Eaverie gunner standinge by his peece, eaverie 
souldier and sayler, with our manlie boteswaine, our 
quarter-masters and other officers of our shipp knowinge 
theire due places, wee bare up the helme to our prowde 
consorte, that was as readie as ourselves, stuck not to wave 
us to leewarde and made the first shott upon us. Unto 
whom wee gave as sownde a replie, and with as great furie 
as hath bin seen at anie time in thease affayres and, to say 
truly, well answeared of the enimie with a more desperate 
and divelish resolucion to indure soe great a chardge then 
is ordinarie with the Spaniardes. They made manie and 
daingerous shott upon us, especiallie excedinge neare the 
verie face and head of our Generall, and had soe well 
taken theire aime at that place, from which indeed they 
receaved most damage and hurte, that at length with a 
fayre saker^ shott they strake the verie blade of his leadinge 
staff into manie peeces, goeinge within a handfull of his 
head, havinge before torne the sayles, cutt the shrovvdes 
and pearced the shipp verie neare the place of his 

1 From a table of English ordnance given in an interesting Appendix 
on " Guns and Gunnery in the Tudor Navy" in Papers riiati/ii{ to the 
Navy durino the Spa?tish War, 1 585-1 587, ed. J. S. Corbett, Navy 
Records Soe , 1898, p. 322, it appears that the " saker" was a piece of 
9 feet in length, with a calibre of 3^-4 inches, and weight of shot of 
5-55 lbs. " Saker" was properly the name of a hawk {falco sacer), 
and is said to be derived through the Port, sacre from the Arabic. As 
applied to a cannon, it represented a heavier piece than the similarly 
named " falcon" and " falconet." 


standingc ; and ycat would hoc not budi^e or remove by 
anie meancs. The cniinic allsoe strakc the formaste with 
a great shott and cutt the shrovv^des and the maine sheatc 
abafte whear Captaine Jobson standinge somtimes played 
upon them with his muskett and somtimes waved them 
with his swordc amaine. One of the masters mates 
standinge in the poope next to Captaine Jobson was hurte 
in the face with the splinter of a great shott strikinge the 
missen maste. But it pleased God in all this sharpe 
encounter mightelie to defend us both against the furie 
of our malicious enimie and against the fearefull mis- 
chaunce of fyre in our owne shipp, which either by over- 
heatinge our ordinaunce or other occasion once hapened 
amongst us, but was most hapelie and speedilie extin- 
guished. And in all this conflict and sundry skirmishes 
none miscaried or was pearsed with the bullet but onelie 
a man of Captaine Jobsons called Thomas Gillingham, 
who, standinge not farr from our Generall, receaved a 
dangerous shott through his left legg ; which our Generall 
perceavinge caused him to be sent downe to our surgion 
and did afterwardes most honorablie comfort him with his 
promise of an almes mans roome in his hospitall of War- 
wick^ for that hee receaved that hurte in his service. 

I will heare be boulde to sett downe a good conceipte of 
our captaine, havinge observed the fine spirite, painfull 
indevowres and valiant courage of our Generalls page 
Mr William Bradshew, whom Captaine Jobson eaver called 
his sonn. The youth in thease hott skirmisses by often 
chardginge and rechardginge his peece brake the same 
abowte his eares. The captain suddenlie stepped downe 
from the poope, brought him by the arme unto our 
Generall with his broken peece and rovvndlie recytes those 

' The Leicester Hospital, still in existence, founded by Dudley's 
father, Robert, Earl of Leicester, for a master and twelve brethren. 


verses of olde Hieronimo in the Spanish Tragedie^ in this 
sorte : 

" This is my sonn, gratious General!, 

Of whom though from his tender infancie 

My lovinge thoughts did neaver hope but well, 

He neaver pleased his fathers eies till now, 

Nor fild my hart with overcloyinge joye. 

Longe may hee live to serve my Generall, 

And soone decaie unless hee still doe serve my Generall." 

The noble gentleman honorablie acknowledged the moste 
praisworthy forwardnes of his towardlie page, havinge bin 
an eiewitnes thearof himselfe, and thanked his kinseman 
for that fine conceipt and fitt applicacion and gave unto 
his page a dellicate furniture- of his owne, for his better 
incouragetnent and well doinge and valiancie. 

Thus after wee had fought with this great armatho of 
the Kinge of Spaines some five or six owers upon Twse- 
daie and from morninge till night the next day with most 
parte of Twseday at night, givinge this prowde Spaniard 
remembraunce that wee wear neare him, wee gave him 
seaven sownde canvasadoes,^ whearin, as I saide before, our 
Generall escaped often most narrowly both great and 
small shott and, thanks be given to God, but one hurte 
with the bullet, which was most strainge, seeinge theare 

' The Spanish Tragedie^ contcwiing the lauientable end of Don 
Horatio and Beliniperia, luiih the pitiful death of old Hieronimo^ etc., 
London, [1594?], 4to. 'I'his play, full of horrors, and one of the most 
popular of the time, was by Thomas Kidd, and was licensed for the 
press in Oct. 1592. The earliest extant copy is, however, as above. 
The ciuolation is from Act i, where young Horatio enters with the 
Prince of Portugal, his prisoner, and is presented by his father to the 
King of Spain. The last two lines are not in the printed play, and in 
the tirst, " generall"' is substituted for '" soveraigne." 

- A suit of armour or any warlike equipment ; here perhaps merely 
a gun. 

^ A canvasado is explained in the New Eng/. Diet, as "a sudden 
attack'. The word is connected with the verb " to canvass," in the 
sense of beating, battering or pounding, and " canvasadoes" has som.e 
such meaning here. 


was noe one man in the shipp but stood in the face of the 
enimic without cither flights or nettings. And after our 
fourc peeces of ordinance (which was all wee couldc use, 
the rest beinge stowed in howlde) and xv. small shott had 
spent all the good powlder wee had, which was ix. barrells, 
for the rest that was left was soc wett with the water that 
came in at her boughes that it wouldc rather flie owt at 
the touch hole then carry forth the bullet, and after wee 
had soe beaten her with great and small shott as by our 
seamen the like was neaver scene, for wee thought it impossible for him to swyme above water, and 
borde her without loss of all wee coulde nott, which they 
desired much more then our shott, for it was impossible a 
shipp soe farr greater and higher then ours and soe manned 
in respect of us, not havinge twentie men that had weapons 
to enter, but pikes to defend, without the ruine of us all, 
which must needs have bin if they had but ten fightinge 
men within — wee for wante of powlder left our enimie to 
the mercie of the occeon. Whearof yf wee had had but 
two barrells, wee undoubtedly should have seen theire 
miserable end in short time. But, indeed, I must com- 
mende in this the Spanish men of war, especiallie those of 
Biskye, whearof this shipp was one, that havinge once 
taken a vowe to dye rather then to be taken they will 
willinglie sinke in the sea before they will breake theire 
vowe ; which in my opinion this Byskaine hath trwlie 
performed. For wee sawe, beinge continuallie allmost 
borde and borde, his shotts soe many under watCr, in 
eaverie place soe torne, and perceavinge his soe often 
lyinge by the lee to stopp them, as wee coulde all judge 
noe less but that either hee was sunck in yt or at least 
neaver able to gett home without some divine providence.^ 

1 Dudley says that after his return he learnt that she actually 
had sunk. 


Thease things thus performed as you heare, and findinge 
it booteless to strive against the streame, wee betooke 
ourselves to our course for Englande, takinge that the 
greatest calamitie that eaver happened to anie, the want of 
powder, havinge taken soe much paines, and couldc 
neyther receave the sweet of our paines nor see the end of 
itt. Our Generall by this fight being disfurnished of many 
of his necessary provisions was constrained to beare roome 
for his countrey, having before privately determined to 
spend som time upp and downe betwene the ilande of 
Treceraz^ and the cost of Spaine, to meete with the fleete 
which my Generall knew by the Spaniardes he tooke the 
time certaine of their comming from the Havana and their 
welth, which was 50 millions of duckettes of the King, 
60 millions of his subjectes. The oportunity of which 
fortune we overslipped by a storme that brought us into 
44 degrees, where an honorable fight [was] performed, 
only pursued by our Generall to do her Majestic service. 
[For] disdaining much to disgrace his countrey or dishonour 
himself, [he] chose rather, occasion being offered, to venter 
the loss of his voiage and the expectation of a fleet so rich 
then basely to leave of fighting with the enemy of God, 
oure Queene and countrey ; whose fraught pillage and 
purchas was nothing but thundring of shott both greate 
and small, the treasure presaging death with honoure. 

This enemy, as you hard, so left and we for waunte of 
meanes to fight constrained to retyre, we hoysed the most 
of our sayles for England, where we fell by reason of most 
extreame mistie weather with a fisher towne called S' Jiues 
in Cornwall uppon Severine,- the fyrst land we saw being 
hard abord the shore, and comming betwene S}'llie and the 
Landes End without sight of either. Thus it pleased God 

1 Terceira, one of the Azores, and the seat of government. 

2 If this means " upon [the estuary of the] Severn," it is a strange 
description of the position of St. Ives. 



our Gcncrall did land in 
both of himself and all hi 

A roaca^ 
Bargo, comertium. 
Calcurey, aurum. 
Chippcrarey, argentum. 
Dacabo, manus. 
Dabdrroh., crines. 
Dabddfl/i, unguis. 
TdcoraJi, lapis viridis. 
Colpercy, lapis albus. 
Uree, tobaco. 
Arara, auruni vulgare. 
Bara, aqua. 
Hadalcy^ sol. 
Basya, ventus. 

his country in saffety and health 
s company. 

Sermo Indianus. 

Casaca^ nubes. 
Taioiira/i, corda. 
Adda, lignum. 
Ediwlah, cultcllum. 
ArkekanOy forceps. 
IVceuah, caelum. 
Dacy, caput. 
Dacasi, oculus. 
Dary, dens. 
Dadtca, auris. 
Daciboli, facies. 
Da la rocoh, labrum. 
Dacirey, nasus. 

^ This word seems to represent the name of the people, the Arawaks 
of Trinidad and Guiana, whose language can be recognized without 
difficulty both in this vocabulary and in that given by Dudley himself ; 
the two together being apparently the earliest known. Another, 
dating from 1598, is printed by De Laet, in his Noviis Orbis, 1633, 
p. 642, and is compared with one of 1800 by Dr. D. G. Brinton in 77ie 
Arawack Language of Guiana, Philadelphia, 1871, p. 9, thus : — 

Ar. 1598. 

Ar. 1800. 



























The difference in the initial syllable in words otherwise alike is due 
to the fact that the prefi.xcs iva and da respectively mean "our" and 
"my." Another vocabulary, French-Arawak, is that of Dr. Sagot 
{Bibliothcqiic Lniguistiqiee Anicricaine, viii, Paris, 1882, p. 61). It 
furnishes for comparison with that in the text, main, ddkabi, dakkaboii ; 
cheveux, dabara ; mer, bara ; soleil, hadali ; arbre, adda ; couteau, 
iadoala, iadolle ; oeil, dakoiichi ; dent, dari. For calcuny see abo\-e, 
p. 39, note. As for cJiippo-arey, according to Schomburgk (p. 100), 
"the Indians of Guiana have no word for silver in their language. 
They have adopted the .Spanish and Portuguese plata and pratd\ 
Hence probably the pero^a in Dudley's vocabulary, below, pp. y;^, 78. 


Places and people oj the mayne. 

Capulio, the eastermost poynte. 
Werinoca^ the entring in of the ryver. 
Moroca^ the men-eaters. 
Caribia be also man-eaters. 
Sabiota^ is a small ryver ; the people of the river are called Vcriofaiis, 

of whom we weare well intreat[ed]. 
Mana, the ryver of Carpembres. 
Maria, the ryver wheare the myne oi calciirey is. 
Artnaio, captaine of the sayd myne. 
Bradha is a small ryver by the which wee did com back, and yt did 

putt us too leeward of the ship. 

^ Apparently the same as Orinoco. Worinoque is, in fact, one of the 
names given by Schomburgk (p. Ixx) as applied to the river, and it 
is so called also by Kendall, below. 

2 These must be the people of Dudley's " Kingdom of INIorucca" 
(p. 72). The Caribs {cf. p. T}^) are better known as being cannibals, 
their very name, Caribales or Canibales, having become since the 
discovery of the West Indies a generic term for man-eaters. 

^ Dudley's Cabota i^cf. p. yj, note). He also mentions the Mana 
(p. 72) and the Braha (p. 'j'^, but not the Maria, nor does he give any 
help for the meaning of Wyatt's " Carpembres." 




A voyage^ oj the Jiouoiirable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley, now 
Knight^- to the Isle of Trinidad, and the coast of Parta : with his 
returne hoine by the Is/cs of Granata, Santa Crii^, Sant Iiian 
de Puerto Rico, Mona, Zacheo, the shonlds called Abreojos^ and 
the isle of Bermuda. In which voyage he and his coiiipajty tooke 
and sunke nine Spanish ships, wherof one was an armada of 
600 tun ties. Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt. 

AUING euer since I could conceiue 
of any thing bene delighted with the 
discoueries of nauigation, I fostered 
in my selfe that disposition till I 
was of more yeres and better ability 
to vndertake such a matter. To 
this purpose I called to me the 
aduise of sufficient seamen, and principally vndertooke a 
voyage for the South Seas ; but, by reason that many 

^ Reprinted from Hakliiyt's Voyages, iii, 1600, p. 574. 

'^ He was knighted by the Earl of Essex during the expedition to 
Cadiz, June, 1596. 

•' The Abrolhos (in modern maps the Natividad) bank off the north- 
eastern coast of San Domingo. The name, which means in Portuguese 
" C)pen your eyes," is apphed for obvious reasons to other reefs, off 
Bahia in Brazil and off the west coast of AustraUa. 

F Z 


before had miscaried in the same enterprise, I could not 
be suffered to hazard more of her Maiesties subiects vpon 
so vnccrteine a ground as my desire, which made me by 
constraint (great charges already by me defrayed) to 
prepare another course for the West Indies, without hope 
there to doe any thing woorth note, and so common is it 
indeed to many as it is not woorth the registring. Neuer- 
thelesse, I haue yeelded to your former importunity, and 
sent you this my iournall to supply a vacant roome 
amongst your more important discourses. 

Nowe being prouided for this last enterprize, rather to 
see some practise and experience then any wonders or 
profite, I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixth 
of Nouember, 1594. But the winde falling scant, it was 
the 17 day of the same moneth before I could put into the 
sea. Upon this day my selfe in the Beare, a shippe of 
200 tunnes, my admirall, and Captaine Munck in the 
Beares Whelpe vice-admirall, with two small pinnesses 
called the Frisking and the Earcwig, passed through the 
Needles, and within two dayes after bare in with Plim- 
mouth. My busines at this port-towne dispatched, I set 
saile ; whither againe by contrary winds to my great 
misfortune I was inforced to returne backc. I might call 
it misfortune, for by this meanes I vtterly (for all the 
voyage) lost my vice-admirall ; which was the cause like- 
wise of loosing mine owne pinnesse, which three^ were the 
principall stay of my voyage. For at this last leaning of 
England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse, as is 
beforesaid. Notwithstanding all these crosses, all alone 
I went wandering on my vo}-age, sailing along the coast of 
Spaine within view of Cape Finister and Cape S. Vincent, 
the North and South capes of Spaine In which space 

1 See p. 5 ; the third was the vice-admiral's pinnace. Out of the 
four vessels only the />rar or Pe)-egrii7e made the \oyage. 


hailing many chases, I could meet with none but my 
countrc}-mcn or countrc}-s friends. 

Leauing these Spanish shores I directed my course the 
14 of December towards the isles of the Canaries. Here 
I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons: the one, in hope to 
meete my vice-admiral ; the other, to get some vessel to 
rcmoue m\' pestered men into, who being 140 almost in 
a ship of 200 tunnes, there grew many sicke. The first 
hope was frustrated, because my vice-admiral was returned 
into England with two prizes. The second expectation 
fell out to our great comfort ; for I tooke two very fine 
carauels under the calmes of Tenerif and Palma, which ^'^"^ ''^• 

B em am 1 71 

both refreshed and amended my company and made me a fVoodtms 

•''■■' in the end 

fleete of 3 sailes. In the one carauel called The Intent of the yecre 

1596 sent 

I made Beniamin Wood captaine, in the other ox\Q.Q-A.\)\.d\x\Q. forthwith 

two ships 
WentWOrth. and ccr- 

T-i 1 1 11 11 -11 taiiic piii- 

Ihus cheared as a desolate traveller with the company ncsscs vpon 

r 111 , 1 n T -1 « voyage for 

01 my small and newe erected tteete, i contmued my i^vn- the South 
pose for the West Indies, and first for Cape Blanco in ^china, cu' 
xA.frica vpon the deserts' of Libya. My last hope was to ^^nhi,'"'^^' 
meete my lost ship, and withall to renuc my victuals vpon ^J^^°'/J',^^jf^^ 
the Canthers, which are Portugal fishermen ; but the sir Robert 

' ^ ' Dudley. 

Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen as I could 

get none. Riding under this White Cape two dales, and <^"'"'''''^" 

=> •=• i ' tl07l of 

walking on shore to view the countrey, I found it a waste, ^'JA' . 

° ■' Blanco in 

desolate, barren, and sandie place, the sand running in --ifrica. 
drifts like snow and being very stony ; for so is all the 
countrey, sand vpon stone (like Arabia deserta, and Petrea) 
and full of blacke venemous lizards, with some wilde beasts 
and people which be tawny Moores, so wilde as they 
would but call to my carauels from the shore, who road 
very neere it. But not desirous to make any longer aboad 
in this place, by reason of the most infectious serenas or 

^ See p. 8, note 3. The marginal notes were added by Hakluyt. 



The ysle of 



dewes that fall along these coasts of Africa, I caused my 
Master Abraham Kendall to shape his course directly for 
the isle of Trinidad in the West Indies ; which after 22 
dayes we descried, and the first of February came to an 
anker vnder a point thereof called Curiapan, in a bay 
which was very full of pelicans, and I called it Pelicans 
bay. About 3 leagues to the eastwards of this place we 
found a mine of Marcazites, which glister like golde ; but 
all is not gold that glistereth, for so we found the same 
nothing worth, though the Indians did assure vs it was 
Caluori^ which signifieth gold with them. These Indians 
are a fine shaped and a gentle people, al naked and painted 
red,- their commanders wearing crownes of feathers. These 
people did often resort vnto my ship, and brought vs 
hennes, hogs, plantans, potatos, pinos, tabacco, and many 
other pretie commodities, which they exchanged with vs 
for hatchets, kniues, hookes, belles, and glasse buttons. 

From this bay I fell downe lower to a place called 
Faracoa,^ where I desired rather to ride, because it was a 
conuenient place to water, balast, ground, and graue my 
carauels. Then I commanded all my men to lye on shore, 
after I had caused to be made for them a little skonce, 
like an halfe moone, for their defence, being iealous of the 
Spaniards, of whose estate I could gather no certaintie, till 
from Margarita Antonie Berreo for his defence had gotten 
some 300 souldiers, a greater number then I was able to 
encounter withall, hauing then but 50 men, because my 
carauels before their comming were sent away. The 

1 So in Hakluyt, but it is probably a printer's error for Calturi, the 
word elsewhere given as the native name for gold. 

'^ With roucoK, the pulp which coats the seed of the shrub Bixa 
Orellana, the source of the well-known Arnotto dye. "The Indian 
of the Orinoco prefers paint to clothes ; and when he has ' roucoued ' 
himself from head to foot, considers himself in full dress " (Kingsley, 
At Last., p. 179). 

^ For the position of Paracoa, see Kendall's narrative below. 


Simeroncs^ of the yland traded with me stil in like sort. 
And the Spaniards, now prouided for me, becjan to send 
messenijcrs to me in kindncsse. Notwithstandinc^, thousjh I ^-i J/eason- 

^ t>' fc. able prac- 

had no reason to assault them, because they were both poore tizeofthe 


and stroni^, yet for my experience and pleasure I marched 

4 lon^ marches vpon the yland, and the last from one side '^'^'-y , , 

' <=> <■ •' ' marchfron. 

of the yland to the other, which was some 50 Tiv\t.s^- one side of 

the yland 

going and comming through a most monstrous thicke wood to the 


(for so is most part of the yland) and lodging my selfe in 
Indian townes. The country is fertile, and ful of fruits, 
strange beasts and foules, whereof munkeis,"^ babions and 
parats were in great abundance. 

Being much delighted with this yland, and meaning to 
stay here some time, [I set]^ about discouering the maine 
right against the same (the entrance into the empire of 
Guiana), being shewed the discouery thereof by Captaine 
Popham, who receiued the discouery of the saide empire 

1 From Spanish and Portiio^uese ct7itdrron, properly " living in the 
mountains " {ciina = a mountain-top), and hence " wild " or " savage;" 
especially applied to runaway slaves who had taken to a wild life in 
the woods and mountains. The English verb " to maroon," meaning 
" to set ashore on a desert island," is from the same source, as also 
the French marroji. 

■^ The greatest length of the island, north to south, is 50 miles, with 
an average of 48 niiles ; the greatest width is 65 miles, with an average 
of 35 miles (De \'erteuil, Trinidad, 1S84, p. 36). According to Wyatt 
(above, p. 45), they started on the 8lh March, and came back to their 
ships again on the night of the 9th. It is very doubtful, therefore, 
whether they really marched from one side to the other. Taking the 
position of Carao in Dudley's map (Wyatt's Carowa) to be roughly 
correct, the course of the march would probably be along what 
is called in Ue Verteuil's map the " Mayaro Trace," from San Fer- 
nando on the west to Point Mayaro on the east, or about 30 miles 

3 "His 'munkeis' were, of course, the little Sapajous ; his 
' babions ' no true Baboons, for America disdains that degraded and 
dog-like form, but the great red Howlers " (Kingsley, At Last, p. 69). 

* The words in brackets are here added to Hakluyt's text in order 
to make the sentence intelligible. Captain Harper's report is not 
included among the matter supplied by Popham to Ralegh, and 
printed in his Discovcrie (see above, p. 43), nor is it otherwise known. 
The reference to Ralegh's work shows that Dudley's narrative was 
not written until after its publication in 1596. 


iptainc from one Captaine Harper, which, being a prisoner, [he] 
tciii^^cucc learned of the Spaniards at the Canaries in the selfe same 
maner ahnost as Sir Walter Ralegh very discreetly hath 
written. The intelligence of Harper I conceiue the Captaine 
hath yet to shew in Spanish. This discouery of Guiana I 
greatly desired ; yet least I should aduenture all occasions 
ishvo vpon it onely, I sent my two caranels from me the 17 day of 


It to February, to try their fortunes in the Indies, not appomtmg 

71^ c the 

dies. any other place to meet but England, furnishing them with 
all the prouision that I could spare and diuiding my victuals 
equally with them, knowing they were able to do more 
good in the Indies then greater ships. 

The carauels being gone, I began to enquire priuately 
of the sauages concerning the maine ouer against vs, and 
■awatio learned that the names of the kingdomes ioyning to the 
■psifi'lh sea-coast were in order these :^ the kingdom of Morucca, 
^ail'^hs ^^'^^ kingdome of Seawano, the kingdome of VValiame, the 
iscouery J^jngdom of Caribcs, the kingdome of Yguirie, and right 
'r Walter agaiust the northermost part of Trinidad the maine was 

alegh ° ^ 

•mkethof called the high land of Paria, the rest a very lowe land. 

lima, ami 

■'ikeriin Morucco I learned to bee full of a greene stone called 
ucry. Tacarao} which is good for the stone. In Seawano I heard 

^ With the exception of Waliame, all these names are given in 
Dudley's map, but the positions of Morucca and Seawano (with 
Wakeren, as it is there spelt) are reversed, the latter being on the 
east of the Essequibo. The Morooca river in modern maps debouches 
just north of Cape Nassau. Though Ralegh speaks of the Ciawani, 
it is only as one of the two castes into which the Tivitavas were 
divided {Discoven'e, pp. 48, 108). Dudley's Waliame is perhaps the 
same as the Waliana of his map, an alternative name for Guiana. 
Orocoa, mentioned below as a town belonging to it, is at the head ot 
the delta of the Orinoco, and is no doubt Ralegh's Arriacoa, " where 
Orenoque deuideth it selfe into three great braunches" (p. 100). 

■■^ These "greene stones which the Spaniards call Picdras Jiijadas' 
are also mentioned by Ralegh (p. 28), and his editor has a long note 
on the subject. They are known as Amazon Stones, and are of a 
green colour, generally cylindrical in shape and perforated, being 
worn as amulets against diseases of the liver (Jiigado) and kidneys, 
fever and snake-bites. Pere Breton writes of them in his Diet. Caraibe- 
Fran^aise, 1665 (ed. 1892, p. 445) : /rtVcct'/zV?, pierre verte, tacfli'ilaoiia, 
celle cy est plus blaffastre : elles ser\ent pour la gravellc, pour faire 


of a mine of gold to be in a townc called Wackerevv, the 

the Captaines name Semaracon. Of Waliame I will si)eake 

last, because therein I made most discouery. The Caribes 

I learned to be man-eaters or Canibals, and ijreat enemies 

to the Islanders of Trinidad. The kingdome of Yguiri I 

heard to be full of a metall called by the Indians Araj^a} 

which is either copper (as I could learne) or very base 

gold. In the high land of Paria I was informed by 

diuers of these Indians that there was some Perota, which 

with them is siluer, and great store of most excellent Cane- 

tabacco. But lastly to come to Waliame, it is the first 

kingdome of the empire of Guiana. The great wealth 

which I vnderstood to be therein, and the assurance that 

I had by an Indian, mine interpreter, of a golden mine in This In- 
dians na; 
a towne of this kingdome called Orocoa, in the river (as waj 5«/- 

he called it) of Owrinoicke, was much to be csiQeratd. ^vko afiei 

This Indian spake Spanish, and whatsoeuer he knew, he our men 

reueiled it to my selfe onely by a priuate interpreter, not /y^^^v ' 

in words alone, but offered vpon paine of life to be guide ■^^^^/'' 

himselfe to any place that he spake of. This discouery 

of the mine I mentioned to my company, who altogether 

mutined against my going, because they something feared 

the villany of Abraham Kendal, who would by no meanes 

go. I then wanted my lost pinnesse, and was constrained 

to send 14 men^ in my ship-boat for this discouery, with 

most of the discreetest men in my ship, and gaue them 

their directions to follow, written vnder mine owne hand. 

They went from me, and entred into one of the mouthes 

accoucher les femmes et pour le mal caduc. Les femmes des sauuages 
les pendent a leur col, comme vn de leur plus pretieux bijous," etc. 
There are numerous specimens, of green felspar, in the Ethnographical 
Department of the British Museum. 

^ This word is not included, as a metal, in available vocabularies. 
Possibly it is for ororo, a lengthened corruption of oro, just as pero/a 
below represents plata. 

- Counting Capt. Jobson, Wyatt only enumerates thirteen (p. 36). 


by the broken lands, which riuer goeth vnder the name of 

the great Riuer Orenoque, the foreland wherof was called 

Capulio, bearing South and by West, wanting a fourth part, 

from the point of Curiapan aforesaid, being 4 leags distant. 

They found the maine (as China is reported) full of fresh 

riuers running one into another, abounding with fish, and 

a land al woody, seeming to haue great store of strange 

beasts and foules, and very populous. They entred into 

riuft- a small riuer called Cabota,^ the people named Veriotaus, 
'led ' r r 

■bota. a courteous people. The next riuer they passed was called 
■e riuer Mana iu the kingdome of Tiuitiuas, where the kins: offered 

A III an a ° ^ 

d fhe to bring a Canoa full of this golden oare, and to this 


Tiui- purpose sent a Canoa, which returned and brought my 

'as are i a r^ 

h men- men this answere, that Armago, Captaine of the towne of 
■ wiiiter Orocoa and the mine, refused them, but if they would 
' ^^ ' come thither, hee himselfe would make them answere. 
Upon this my boat went, and at his appointed place hee 
met them with some 100 men in Canoas, and tolde them 
that by force they should haue nothing but blowes, yet if 
they would bring him hatchets, kniues, and Jevves-harps, 
he bid them assure me he had a mine of gold, and could 
refine it, and would trade with me ; for token whereof he 
sent me 3, or 4, Croissants or halfe moones of gold, 
weighing a noble apiece or more, and two bracelets of 
siluer. Also he told them of another rich nation, that 


■inkied sprinkled their bodies with the poulder of golde and 
thpoul- ^ . r fc, 

'■of gold, seemed to be guilt,- and farre beyond them a great towne 

^ See above, p. 37, note. 

2 Ralegh's story (p. 20) is as follows : " All ihose that pledge him 
[the emperor] are first stripped naked and their bodies annoynted al 
ouer with a kinde of white Balsa/ni/m. . . When they are annointed 
all ouer, certaine seriiants of the Emperor hauing prepared gold made 
into fine powder blow it thorow hollow canes vpon their naked bodies, 
vntill they be al shining from the foote to the head, and in this sort 
they sit drinking by twenties and hundreds and continue in drunken- 
nes sometimes sixe or seuen daies togither : the same is also 
confirmed by a letter written into Spaine which was intercepted, which 


called El Dorado, with many other things. My men 
being satisfied, and thinking their company too fewe to 
stay among these sauages, and their victuall spent, returned. 
This Balthazar, my Indian, their guide ranne from them ; 
which distresse caused them to borrow of Armago newe 
guides, who brought them home another wa)- through a 
riuer called Braha by the high land of Paria, and so to my 
ship. They accompted Orocoa 150 miles distant, so they 
rowed in m}- boate aboue 250 miles. Their absence from 
me was 16 dayes, making but one nights aboad any where. 
The report of this made mee attempt my company to goe 
with them againe. But nowe they were worse then before ; 
for vnlesse I would haue gone my selfe alone, not one man 
would goe with me (no, albeit I had had commission to 
hang or kill them), for my men came home in very pitifull 
case, almost dead for famine ; and indeed such was their 
misery as they dranke not in three da}'es, for so long they 
were out of the fresh riuers before they recouered the 
shippe, and yet the boat was filled with as much victuall 
as it could holde. 

In this time of my boates absence there came to me a 
pinnesse of Plimmouth, of which Captaine Popham before Captain 

. . f. . - Popham 

named was chiefe, who gaue vs great comfort. And if I arriuai. 
had not lost my pinnesses, wherein I might haue carried 
victuals and some men, we had discouered further the 
secrets of those places. Also this Captaine and I stayed 
some sixe or eight dayes longer for Sir Walter Ralegh 
(who, as wee surmized, had some purpose for this discouery) > ~ 
to the ende that by our intelligence and his boates we 
might haue done some good ; but it seemed he came not, 
in sixe or eight weekes after.^ So Captaine Popham and 
I helde it not conuenient to stay any longer ; therefore 

Master Robert Dudley told me he had seen." On El Dorado, see Sir 
R. Schomburgk's Introduction to Ralejfh's Discoverie. 

1 He arrived on 22 March, only ten days after Dudley had left. 

ita Cruz 



fe Roxo 


ey de- ncw Watering our selues at Paracoa, \vc set sailc to see 


yieof further of the Indies, leauing the yle of Trinidad the 12 
day of March.i The 13, I tooke a small prize of sackes- 
en 25 leagues to the northward of an yland which I sailed by, 

^yiXf called Granata. This prize refreshed vs well ; yet meaning 
■i7iata. |.Q ggj j^gj. ^^ ^j^g ^,jg q|- g^j^^ Y\x?,n de Puerto Rico, and 

eyiesof shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz^ 
^ ^n- and Infierno, I coasted all the south side of the said vie of 
S. John, till I came to an ancker at Cape Roxo,'* where 
riding 14 dayes to expect S. Domingo men, which often- 
times fall with the yland of Mona, and finding none 
(neither would the Spaniards of S. luan de Puerto Rico 
buy my prize), I vn laded her, tooke in the goods, and after 
burned her. 
?7 dis- This ended, I disemboqued^ (where fewe Englishmen had 

oque by 

yle of done before, by reason of the great dangers betweene this 

yland of S. luan de Puerto Rico and Hispaniola) by a 

'. shoids little yland called Zacheo. And after carefully doubling 


-eojos, the shouldes of Abreojos.'' I caused the Master (hearing by 

pen a Pilote that the Spanish fleete ment now to put out or 

'Looke Hauana) to beare for the meridian of the yle of Bermuda, 

hoping there to finde the fleete dispersed. The fleete I 

found not, but foule weather enough to scatter many 

fleetes, which companion left mee not in greatest extrem- 


1 This agrees with Wyatt's account, but Kendall says he set sail 
on 5 March. 

- The wine so called ; cf. Wyatt, "Wine, iron, linnen, hatts," etc., 
and Kendall, " vino di Spagna, confezzioni," etc. 

^ A small island to the south-east of Puerto Rico (see p. 49). By 
Infierno he must mean the Bocca de Infierno, west of Point Pozuelo 
on the south coast of Puerto Rico. 

■* Cape Rojo, the south-western extremity of Puerto Rico. Mona 
island lies midway in the channel between Puerto Rico and San 
Domingo, Zacheo, or Desecheo, being to the north-east of it. 

'' Disembogue, to come out of the mouth of a river, strait, etc., 
into the open sea {New Etigl. Diet.) 

' See above, p. 67, note 3. Dudley, in his map xi of America, in the 
Area/io del .\Jan\ calls the bank " Baxos de Babucca o Abrolhos.'' 


ilic till I came to the ylcs of Florcs and Cucruo ; \\\\\\\\q:\- Fiorcs a. 


I made the more liaste, hoping to meete some great flecte 
of her Maicstie my souereignc, as I had intelligence, and 
to giue them aduise of this rich Spanish fleet, but finding 
none, and my victuals almost spent, I directed my course 
for England. 

Returning alone, and worse manned by halfe then I ^ fight'- 

^ two dayi 

went foorth, my fortune was to meete a great Armada of wi//t a 


this fleete of some 600 tunnes well appointed, with whom I Armadc 

600 tiiiii 
fought board and board for two dayes, being no way able 

in all possibilitie with fiftie men to board a man of warre 
of sixe hundreth tunnes. And hauing spent all my powder 
I was constrained to leaue her, yet in such distresse without 
sailes and mastes, and hull so often shot through with my 
great ordinance betweene winde and water, that, being 
three hundred leagues from land, I dare say it was impos- 
sible for her to escape sinking. Thus leaning her by 7-/^ 
necessitie in this miserable estate, I made for England, '^J''/"g/. 
where I arriued at S. lues in Cornewall about the latter ende C'>r?iwa 

in May, 

of May, 1595, scaping most dangerously in a great fogge ^595- 
the rocks of Sill}-. 

Thus by the prouidence of God landing safely, I was 
kindely intertained by all my friends, and after a short 
time learned more certaintie of the sinking of that great 
shippe, being also reputed rich by diuers intelligences out 
of Spaine ; which we then supposed not, and were 
doubtfull whether she had bin of Biscay or S. John 
de Luz in France, laden with fish onely from Newfound- 

In this voyage I and my fleete tooke, sunke and burnt 
nine Spanish ships ; ^ which was losse to them, though I 
got nothing. 

1 Kendall gives the same total, but only six are mentioned in the 
three narratives, viz., the two carvels, the ship taken near Granada, 
the great gfalleon, and the two prizes made by the vice-admiral. 



Here follow certaine vvordes of the language of Trinidad"^ 
which I obserued at my being there : 

f is be- 
? in this 

'he name 
he riucr 

V seeme 
•e de- 
ed from 
! word. 

Gvi/e/noc/c, a man. 

Tadaz'ro, Dadara/i, or Dabarra^ 

the heare of ones head. 
Dessie, the forehead. 
Dasereth, or Dacost, an eye. 
Dalacoack, the mouth. 
Areheh, the teeth. 
Daria, the gummes. 
Desire, the lips. 
Dill, the tongue. 
Diidica, the eares. 
Dacan, a hand. 

Dacabbo, the palme of the hand. 
Dadena, the wrist. 
Dacurle, a knee. 
Daddaiw, the calfe of the legge. 
Dabodda, the toes. 
Dacutti, the feete. 
Catiie, the moone. 
Taiiraroth, a rope. 
Arkeano, a paire of cizers. 
Weeuah, the heauen. 
Harowa, a stone good for the 

head ache. 
Afoitttiina?t, yron or Steele. 
Howa, munkeis in general!. 
Caroita, a thing like pappe. 
Sakel, it is well, or I am well. 

Techir, a bracelet. 

Bodad, a boxe or chest. 

Mentinie, a tree. 

Addehegaefio, a glasse. 

*Calcoiiri, gold. 

Perofa, siluer. 

Tacorao, a green stone. 

Arrara, copper. 

Caitlpiri, a white stone. 

Casparo, a sword. 

Tibctebc, cockles. 

MarraJiabo, a bow. 

Seinaro, an arrow. 

Huculle, a bow-string. 

Halete, a potato roote. 

Caerwoda, a sweete root. 

Maiirisse, wheat. 

Queca, a basket. 

Yeddola, a knife. 

Sambolefs, a hat. 

BeyoK, a pipe. 

Callit, bread. 

■\Oroniiie, water. 

Ars^ieecojia, a paire of cizzers. 

Hcldaro, a spoone. 

Hc/nackug/i, a bread which they 

Hicket, fire. 

^ See above, p. 65. This longer vocabulary includes many words 
not given by Brinton or Sagot, or in the " Arawakisch-Ueutsches 
Worterbuch '' printed in the Bibliothcque Li/igiiisfiqi/c Aiiwricainc, viii, 
p. 69. Some equivalents, however, may be added, chiefly from the last- 
named work, to those in the eatlier note, as katii, the moon ; wijua, 
the Pleiades ; /toa, ape ; /Xv'/, /likki/ti, fire ; ballida, comb ; kassipufa, 
sword ; siinara, arrow ; Ic/ii/iKdaabo {siinara/iabu, Sagot), bow ; /lalii, 
luditi {aleh/ii, Sagot), potato ; sand^ulcrii {cf. Span, sombrero), hat ; 
kalli, cassava ; siba (tcliiba, Sagot), stone ; bi'ikiri, bat (perhaps the 
same as Dudley's bohcry, a flying-fish). Practically the same vocab- 
ulary is given by Dudley in his Arcana del Mare, pt. iv, bk. vi, ch. 
xxxvi, after the description of map XIV. Sometimes, however, he is a 
little more explicit, as "Callit o Hemachug, pane che essi fannocome 
biscotto di una radice nominata da lore Indiani Cassava." 



Walrowa^ a jjanot. 

F>v//, tabacco. 

Bariidda^ a combe. 

Addoi/i, a sticke. 

Barrcn)tairL\ a button, or beads. 

CiirabaUa and S/lxith, for 2 sundry 

stones : but Sibath in general 

signifieth a stone. 
Tolletillcro, bels. 
Vl/asso, a tuny-fish. 

J>o/u'}y, a riying-lish. 
Bara^ water. 
Haddalle, the sunne. 
Bnbage-Canoaseen, the mancr of 

the Indians haihng of a ship, 

caUing it after the name of 

their Canons. 
Non quo, or Non qiiapa, I know 

not, or I cannot tell. 




Riittier'^ by the learned mariner A brain Kendal, Englishman, in the 
voyage which lie navigated, as chief pilot, to the West Indies with 
the aiiiJior himself, who was then General, counting the longitude 
from the island of Pico in the Azores."^ 

HE General made sail for the Indies 
in his admiral named the Great 
Bcar^ of about 300 tons, from the 
port of PHmouth in England on the 
1st December, 1594, having with him 
other vessels of war, the vice-admiral 
of his fleet being called the Little 

^ Translated (see at the end) from the Italian version printed in 
Dudley's Arcano del Mare, Florence, 1646-47, Bk. II, ch. v, p. 12. 
The old English term, " Ruttier," from the French route and routier, 
is given as the rendering of the Italian " Portolano." It is used by 
Hakluyt and others (as in The Safegard of Saylers, or Great Rutter, 
1590), and is defined by Cotgrave as "a directory for the knowledge or 
finding out of courses, whether by sea or land." It corresponds, 
therefore, with the modern " Sailing Directions," which, among less 
strictly nautical matter, contain "descriptions of ports and anchorages, 
with accounts of the winds, currents and tides, for various coasts and 
seas" (Raper, Practice of Na7>igation, ed. 1891, p. 347), and it may 
fairly be applied to Kendall's narrative. 

- Dudley gives the reason for this in the description of his map of 

^ '■'■L'07'sa maggiorc," the Bear's Whelp being rendered '■'■ Torsa 


Bear. Wc went out of port with the wind N.E., blowing 
strong, which was in our favour ; and we sailed by the 
quarter S.W. (the variation being 13 degrees N.E.) until 
we were free of the Ediston rock, and then we went a 
quarter more S., where the island of Ushant lay E.S.E., 
in long. 23" 10' and lat. 48^^ 34', distant about 16 leagues.^ 
The said port of Plimouth lies in long. 24° 8' and lat. 
50° 21'. Then we kept on the quarter S.S.W. of the 
common compass through lat. 45°, and half a quarter 
more S. to lat. 44" 20', so as to follow the shorter way of 
the great circle.- And then we saw Cape Finisterre^ in 
Galicia of Spain, to the S.S.W., about 20 leagues distant, 
that is, about a degree of the great circle, in long. 17° 40' 

the Azores (Africa, map ii, in the Atrano del Mare, Bk. VI, Pt. II, p. 24), 
"the longitude of all these maps of the author is counted from the 
middle of the island Pico, because there the compass makes no point 
of variation" (see also below, p. 91). Pico lies in lat. 38" 20' N. and 
long, (from Greenwich) 28° 30' W. Dudley gives the lat. as 38° 40'. 
In this narrative and in all his maps the longitude is reckoned, not E. 
and W. from Pico to 180°, but right round the world eastward to 360°. 

^ Ushant is in 48° 28' N., 5° 3' W. (= 23" 27' from Pico), and 
Plymouth in 50° 22' N., 4° 9' W. (= 24° 21' from Pico). In the 
number of leagues given, " 16" is perhaps a misprint for "46," Ushant 
being distant from Plymouth about 140 miles. 

- A great circle is a circle dividing the sphere of the world into two 
equal parts. Great circle sailing, grounded on the fact that the 
shortest distance between any two points on the earth's surface is 
along an arc of a great circle, is defined by John DaAis in The 
Seamatfs Secrets, first published in 1594 (the year of Dudley's 
voyage) : " The third [part of navigation] is great circle navigation, 
which teacheth how vpon a great circle drawne betweene any two 
places assigned (being the onely shortest way betweene place and 
place) the ship may bee conducted, and is performed by the skilful! 
application of horizontall and parado.xall Navigation" (2nd ed., 1607, 
reprinted in The Voyages and IVorl's of John Davis, ed. A. H. 
Markham, Hakluyt Soc. 1880, p. 239). Davis reckoned the longitude, 
not from Pico, but from St. Michael's, another of the Azores, "because 
that there the compasse hath no variety" (p. 284). As his editor 
remarks, this is not now the case, the variation being about 25° W. 
From Ptolemy's time to the end of the sixteenth century, the usual 
reckoning was from Ferro, the most westerly of the Canaries. 

^ Cape Finisterre is in 42° 53' N., 9" 16' W. (= 19'' 14' from 
Pico): Cape Roca in 38' 57' N., 9° 30' W. (= 19°); and Cape Si. 
V'incent in 37° 4' N., 9° W. (= 19° 30'). 


and lat. 43 8', although the common chart makes it 43 19'. 
The meridian compass was 8 degrees N.E. ; the current 
ran towards S.W. ; the wind was N.N.E. Thence we 
travelled S. to lat. 40^ 45', and we saw Cape Roxo, seven 
leagues distant S.S.W., in long. 17" 50' and lat, 38° 53'. 
The variation was 6 degrees N.E., and the wind was N.E. ; 
and we sailed along in sight of the coast of Portugal 
as far as Cape St. Vincent, in long. 18 22' and lat. 2)^° 55'. 
The compass inclined to N.E. half a quarter. 

From Cape St. Vincent, that is, from six leagues 
distance, we sailed S.W. by W. ; and we saw the island 
of Salvages^ on the 22nd December, 1594, in lat. 30 and 
long. 10° 49'. And on the way, in lat. 31° 20', the meridian 
compass inclined N.E. 5 degrees. Then following (from 
the island Salvages) the quarter S.and half a quarter S.W., 
by the common compass, we saw Cape Navos- of the island 
of Teneriffe, in lat. 29° 9' and long. 10° 50'. The peak of 
that same island is a very high mountain, and it is seen, 
when the weather is clear, high above the horizon from the 
island of Salvages. Within these islands of the Canaries 
one finds calms and plenty of tempests, with winds variable 
and shifting ; and therefore it is not well to go too close 
in to land, especially in those parts where one cannot find 
bottom to cast anchor. 

From the island of Palma, from the west part of it, in 
lat. 29' and long. 8° 50', we kept on with the vessel S.S.W. 
half a quarter S. to lat. 26' 24' towards Cape Blanco in 
Africa ; the variation was 3 degrees N.E. Then we 
followed the rhumb^ S.S.E., and in lat. 23' 50' found 

1 Salvages, one of the Canary Islands, in 30" 6' N., 16' W. (=12' 30' 
from Pico}. 

- C. de Nouos, the northern point of Tencrifte, in Dudley's map iii 
of Africa, corresponding either to Pt. Hidalgo or to l^'t. Anaga. 

-' A rluimb or, as it is also spelt, rumb is primarily a meridian and 
then any point of the compass. To sail on a rluniib line is to keep 


ourselves in 30 fathoms, without sceini^ the coast of Africa, 
which is low and sand}' with a sandy bottom. And here 
we saw weeds carried down by the current of the river of 
Gold.^ Then we kept on the same rhumb, or S.S.E., until 
the ship had a little passed the Tropic of Cancer, in lat. 
23^20'. The bottom was 10 fathoms, sandy; the winds 
are N.E. and stead)', with good weather. Then we followed 
the coast within sight of land, four leagues distant, the 
which is low and sandy, and the bottom is also of sand, 
from 8 to 10 fathoms. On the way we saw Cape Barbas,"-^ 
in lat. about 21 ' 30' and long. 9' 50'. The variation was 
3 degrees N.E. Cape Blanco, or Bianco, is in lat. 20° 24' 
and long. 9' 58'. High tide at the Cape is at 9 hours and -|. 
We anchored S.S.W. of the Cape, at three miles distance, 
in 6h fathoms, on a sandy bottom like the coast. The 
winds are N.E. and steady, with good weather as far as 
the Indies. 

On the 6th January, 1595, we took soundings in the 
said bay, and on entering the bottom was 13, 9, 10, 8,7, 
and 6 fathoms, and 8, 7, and 61 where we anchored ; and 
farther within the bay the bottom was not more than 
7 fathoms, nor less than 3.-^ The bank S.S.W. of the 
Cape is large, and it is distant about 2I leagues; on the 
which the Portuguese catch great quantity of fish with 
certain vessels called Canters. There is no good water 
there, since the country is sandy and desert ; nevertheless, 

the ship's head constantly directed to the same point, her track 
therefore cutting all the meridians at the same angle (see Raper 
Practice of Navigcition, ed. 1891, p. 129). 

^ The Rio do Ouro of the Portuguese, an inlet between Cape Bojador 
and Cape Blanco. It was erroneously supposed to be the mouth of a 
river, but this was finally disproved by a Spanish expedition in 1885-6 
(Vivien de St. Martin, Nouv. Diet, de Geographie., iv, p. 465). 

^ Cape Barbas is in 22° 8' N., 16° 56' W. (= 11° 34' from Pico) ; 
Cape Blanco in 20° yj' N., 17° 4' W. (= 11° 26'). 

^ These soundings are given in Dudley's map iv of Africa, together 
with the bank, " Secaia e Banca di Capo Bianco done pcscano." 

G 2 


by making wells in the sand near the sea, fresh water 
is found, and, although it is not very wholesome to drink, 
yet it serves in urgent need. 

On the 9th January, 1595 (by the Calendar and old 
style), the General set sail with his other vessels for the 
island of Trinidad in the West Indies, to explore the main 
and the rich empire of Guiana, or Walliana, according as 
he had order to do from Queen Elizabeth of England then 
reigning. So we steered W.S.W. as far as 19° 35',^ and 
the variation was 2h degrees N.E., keeping the same 
quarter to iS'' 50', the intersection of which with the 
latitude gave the longitude on the globe, following the 
same rhumb to 18° 50'. Here the island of St. Nicholas 
of Cape Verde, in lat. 18" 16' and long. 3°, lay W.S.W. of 
the vessel.- The winds were N.E., steady ; the current is 
W.S.W. And we kept the same rhumb through lat. 
18° 22' and 17° 8', 190 leagues distance from Cape Blanco, 
and in 16° 22'^^ there were 226 leagues distance from the 
cape of the great circle, counting 20 leagues to a degree, 
although by the common chart there are at least 230 
leagues, for the coast is nearer than the common chart 
makes it. The compass varied one degree N.E. onl}-. 
And keeping the quarter W.S.W. to lat. 15° 49', the 
distance from the cape was 278 leagues, and the compass 
varied a small matter N.W., and one judged the longitude 
to be 354" 30'. And following the same quarter to lat. 
11° 5', we were distant from the Cape about 536 leagues, 
and in lat. 9° 56' and long< 337' we were 640 leagues of 
the great circle (counting 20 leagues to a degree) distant 
from Cape Blanco. 

^ The Italian text has "gr. 29 e min. 35." 

^ The island of San Nicolao lies in 16° 30' N., 24° 20' W. (= 4" 10' 
from Pico). In Dudley's map (Africa, iv) the latitude is rightly given 
as 16° 30', and the longitude is about 3, as here. 

•* The Italian text has "gr. 76 c min. 22." 


Here we began to see some birds of the Indies called by 
the Portuguese Forcados} The meridian compass inclined 
somewhat to the N.W., that is, about one degree. We 
followed then the same rhumb to lat. 9° 30', and the 
longitude was 335°, and we saw, as a sign we were nearing 
America, some great birds like crows, but white, with long 
tails. The water of the sea was not very clear. With 
this same quarter we found the vessel in lat. 9" 28' and 
long- 333° 3o'> about 22 leagues distance from the island 
of Trinidad; where some sea-birds settled by night within 
the vessel and the water began to whiten considerably. 
And these are manifest signs of the neighbourhood of the 
coast of the Indies. The winds are N.E. steady, and the 
variation is one degree N.W. 

On the 30th January, 1595, we saw the island of Trinidad, 
from the south side, from Cape Carao" in lat. 9° 20' and 
long. 332° 40', distant about 752 leagues of the great circle 
from Cape Blanco. The water whitened considerably 
towards the shoal along the coast of Guiana, but we did 
not see the main of the Indies, the land being very low and 
full of rivers and woods ; and although the coast was 
nigher the vessel than was the island of Trinidad, we plainly 
saw the island first, as it is a high land and more visible. 
The bottom was at 9 fathoms, rather muddy towards land. 
And then we turned to the N.W. at 9° 25', to follow the 
channel of the island of Trinidad from three miles distance 

^ The well-known Frigate-bird {Fregata aqnila) of tropical seas, so 
called by sailors from the swiftness of its flight, and from its habit of 
hovering round other birds with predatory intent. The Portuguese 
name for it is rabiforcado (forked-tail), its long forked tail, as it soars 
in mid-air on apparently motionless wings, being a conspicuous object, 
opening and shutting continually like a pair of scissors. 

- This is now Point Galeota, the south-eastern extremity of Trinidad, 
10° 9' N., 61° W. ( = 327° 30' from Pico) {cf. Dudley's map). Ralegh's 
Point Carao is, however, identified by Schomburgk with Point Negro, 
further along the south coast (p. 2). About four miles east of the 
latter there is a Point Curao in the Admiralty Chart and in the map 
])refixed to JJe Verteuil's Trinidad^ 1884. 


to the west as far as Cape Curiapan/ called by the 
Spaniards the Punta de Gallo, lat. 9' 26' and long. 330° 50'. 
There the current is very strong, so that one cannot return 
by that way, and it drives towards the little island called 
Diavolo, within danger of the shallows which are within 
three miles VV.N.W. from Cape Curiapan. One gets near, 
however, to the said cape in 4 fathoms of depth at half 
a mile distance or a little more, so as to turn towards 
the bay, which is a good harbour, having a bottom at 
4 fathoms, nigh to certain small islands. The winds arc 
N.E., steady ; though they change sometimes, but only for 
a short space, with torrents of rain, as one often sees in the 

In the said bay or harbour is a small stream of good 
water and easy to get. There is found a certain black- 
bitumen like mineral pitch,- good to patch vessels, near to 
Cape Curiapan ; and six miles or seven miles to the east 
is found a mine of Marcasite, which supplies much gold to 
the Indians, who dig it out for the purpose of making 
certain half-moons which they wear on the neck for orna- 
ment, and they call it Calcuri, which in their tongue means 
gold. And of this mine a good quantity was dug out. 

^ See p. 22,. and for the rock Diavolo, p. 35. Ralegh speaks of 
Cape Curiapan, or Point Icacos, as " situate in S degrees or there 
abouts" (p. 2). This is less correct than Kendall's 9° 26'. Its actual 
position is 10° 3' N., 61° 56' W. ( = 326° 34' from Pico). The descrip- 
tion that follows is in close agreement with the Admiralty Chart, and 
it is clear that they passed through the eastern channel round Point 
Icacos and anchored in Cedros Bay. 

- The reference is to the famous pitch lake of La Brea on the 
south-west coast of Trinidad, covering an area of nearly 100 acres. 
A full account of it is given by Wall and Sawkins, Gcoloiiy of Trinidad^ 
i860, p. 134, and by Kingsley, ^/ Zw.?/, 1872, p. 173. Considering its 
remarkable character, it is curious that neither Wyatt nor Dudley 
mentions it. Ralegh was more observant: "At this point called 
Tierra de Brea or Piche there is that abundance of stone pitch that 
all the ships of the world may be therewith loden from thence, and 
wee made triall of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent good 
and melteth not with the sunne as the pitch of Norway, and therefore 
for ships trading the south partes very profitable" (p. 3). 

vo\'A(;p: to the west indies. 87 

From this port we turned N.N.E. to the Bay of Paracoa/ 
about tliree leagues distance, near the port and city of 
St. Joseph, held by the Spaniards for the purpose of 
exploring Guiana. There is bottom there at 4 and 5 
fathoms ; and there is a very good beach, where one can 
get water in lat. 9" 34' and long. 331" 10', distant from 
Cape Blanco aforesaid 758 leagues of the great circle. 
And from there one could see to the N.N.W. the cape and 
high land of Paria and the strait, in lat. 10'^ 10' and long. 
330" 27'. One could also see from there the harbour of 
Conquirabia in the island, fortified and garrisoned by the 
Spaniards, of the which place Don Antonio de Bereo 
was Governor. 

From Paracoa the General marched on land several 
times with 300 soldiers"- and made himself absolute master 
of the island and fortified it with posts, from which he 
then explored the main over against him, being the empire 
of Guiana in the Indies. And b}' means of the utilit}' of 
the rivers he entered at Cape Capuglio to the S. half a 
quarter S.W. from the Cape Curiapan, and the General 
named that river Rio Dudliano after his own name ; and 
by this wa}' he entered 300 miles within Guiana by a navig- 
able river with small boats and frigates, and discovered 
the great river of Orinoche, in the map called by the 

1 From this description and Dudley's map it appears that his 
Paracoa lay to the north of Point La Brea, probably at or near San 
Fernando. It was therefore not the same as Ralegh's Parico, which 
.Schomburgk no doubt rightly locates in Cedros Bay ; but the meaning 
of Paragua (see p. 42, note 2) makes it likely that any place on the 
sea-shore might be so called. Judging from his map, Dudley sup- 
posed St. Joseph (taken and burnt by Ralegh) to be identified with 
Port of Spain, capital of the island, instead of being some miles inland 
to the east ; while Conquerabia, described by Ralegh as ''that place 
which the Spaniards cal Puerto de los Hispanioles and the inhabitants 
Co/iqieerabta^' is placed by him to the south of the Caroni. 

- This, like other statements in the same paragraph, is an obvious 
exaggeration [cf. p. 45) ; and it will be noticed that Kendall, or his 
editor, speaks as if Dudley himself had gone on the boat expedition 
up the Orinoco. 


Indians Worinoche. He found the country very low and 
full of woods, but fertile and rich in gold, as the Indians of 
the country narrated. The chief city of the kingdom is 
great and very rich ; it is named Manoa, and by the 
Spaniards El Dorado, for the great richness of it. 

The said General returned with good success by the 
river Amana towards Paria, and having ended his exploring 
and done what pleased him as to the enterprise of Guiana, 
he set sail on the 5thi Qf March, 1595. And the day 
following he passed the Strait of Paria, called by him the 
Strait of Calcuri, that is, of Gold in the Indian tongue. 
This passed, we found the the wind N.E. steady, the 
current was towards the W, and we went by the sounding- 
line, and we saw the small islands of Testigos near the 
island of Margarita, where they fish for pearls in the 
Indies. And then we saw the island of Granata^ to the 
N.E., in lat. 11° 20' and long. 331° 10', holding con- 
tinually to the rhumb N.W. by N. And in seven or eight 
days^ we saw towards the N.E. the island of Santa Cruz. 
And on the way the said General took a ship of the enemy 
laden with wine of Spain, confections and other rich 
merchandise, and having passengers of quality, who were 
going to the Indies ; and our vice-admiral had already 
returned to England with two great and rich galleons, 
taken by our vessels at the outset of the voyage. 

And after sighting the island of Santa Cruz, sailing 
N.W., we coasted along the south side all the length of the 
great island of San Juan de Porto Rico in the Indies, which 
is well peopled by Spaniards and very fertile ; and we 

1 According to Wyatt and Dudley, they passed through the straits 
on 12 March (pp. 48, 76). 

2 Grenada, the southernmost of the Windward Islands, 12° 8' N., 
61° 42' W. ( = 326^ 48' from Pico). 

^ According to Wyatt, on 17 March (p. 49). 


passed near to the island of Inferno, where the water is so 
clear that one sees the bottom at 20 to 25 fathoms. Then 
coasting along towards the W. wc found bottom under 
Cape Roxo/ where is a very good beach north of the cape, 
in lat. 17° 54' and long. 323° 20', with five fathoms of 
depth, towards the little island off the cape. The variation 
was 3 degrees N.W. ; the wind was steady and N.E. ; the 
current is towards N.W. And in the bay we found good 
water. On this coast the General unladed the wares 
from the ship he had taken and gave liberty to all the 
Spaniards, among whom were sundry persons of quality, 
putting them on land courteously in boats at a village 
inhabited by Spaniards in the bay, seeing that with his 
vessel he could not go near the shore because of the shoals ; 
and then he burnt the said ship. 

And as the said General had notice from some Spaniards 
whom he had taken that the silver fleet had parted from 
Havana a few days before, he resolved to follow it up, 
according to the instructions he had from Her Majesty of 
England, to wit that he should find the fleet when it was 
scattered by reason of the storms and bad weather which 
are wont to prevail in those seas. Whereupon, on the 
loth April- he made sail from Cape Roxo in the Indies 
and navigated by the rhumb N.E. by N., so as to disem- 
bogue from the Indies in sight of land between the island 
of Zecchio and the island of Mona (which is low-lying 
land and near to the island of Hispaniola), and to avoid 
also the bank of Abrolhos,^ in lat. 21° and long. 320° 40'. 
And following always the same rhumb N.E. by N. (the 

^ Cape Rojo (p. 76, note 4) lies in \f 58' N., 67° 12' W. ( = 321" 18' 
from Pico). 

' In Wyatt's narrative (p. 52) this was on 25 March. See also 
p. 76. 

3 The Abrolhos (or Natividad) bank is in 20" 8' N.. 68° 50' W. 
( = 319° 48' from Pico). 

90 ROBERT Dudley's 

current bcin^' N.W.), we ran as far as 23'' 20' in rough 
weather ; the variation was 6h^ N.W. And from there we 
kept the rhumb or quarter N.W. by W. by reason of tlic 
winds to lat. 26°. The compass incHned N.W. eight degrees, 
and the intersection of the rhumb followed with the latitude 
observed gave the longitude. Thence we sailed by the 
quarter N.W. to lat. 29" 40', being distant from the island 
of Bermuda 140 leagues of the great circle, counting 
20 leagues to a degree ; and we kept the same rhumb to 
lat. ^6" 4', where we passed the longitude and meridian of 
the island of Bermuda on the N.E., its latitude being 
32° 30' and long. 328° 20'.^ And we passed this meridian 
in great storms and tempests and horrible thunders and 
lightnings, which give clear tokens that one is passing the 
longitude of the island. 

The winds of that part of the ocean are variable and 
tempestuous, but the greater part come from the main-land 
of America and from the great islands of the Indies 
towards the S.W. ; and in lat. 38' 30' the island of 
Bermuda lay S.S.W. and the variation was 10 degrees 
N.W. ; and in lat. 39° 4', following the rhumb as above, the 
island of Bermuda was distant 1 10 leagues of the great 
circle, and we saw frigate-birds and sea-mews. The current 
ran to N.E., and carried with it weeds from the rocks of 
the Indies. And when one no longer sees suchlike weeds, 
it is a sign that one passes the longitude of Cape Razo,^ 
long. 344° 10' from Pico of the Azores. And in lat. 40" 10', 
driven by contrary winds, we were 160 leagues distant by 
the great circle from the island of Bermuda. Then we 
began to run before a great storm to lat. 38" 20', distant by 
the common chart from the islands of Flores or Corvo 120 

1 Bermuda lies in 32° 10' N, 64° 45' W. ( = 333° 30' from Pico). 

* Cape Race in Newfoundland, 46° 40' N., 53" 5' W. ( = 335' 25' 
from I'ico). 


leagues. From which one Icains how false the chart is, 
that it makes the distance too much by about 80 leagues, 
because the vessel was there not more distant from the 
island of Flores than 40 leagues of the great circle, and the 
compass, for greater confirmation of the truth, inclined 
to N.W. three degrees only. And it followed that the 
next da\', early in the morning, we saw the island of Flores 
in the Azores, which is high land, near the island of Corvo, 
to the S., where the variation is not more than two degrees 
to the NAV. /\nd then we passed the meridian of the 
island of Pico and the variation was imperceptible, and 
therefore we count the longitude from the same island 
of Pico. 

Then we sailed by the rhumb N.E. and N.E. by N. 
towards England to lat. 45'. There our admiral found 
herself alone and discovered a very great galleon of the 
fleet of the Indies, exceeding rich, which was separated 
from the fleet by a storm. And our General fought the 
said galleon always to windward, within musket shot, two 
days together ; and at the end, after very many cannon 
shot, he sent her to the bottom,^ and the General's staff 
was carried away out of his hand by a cannon shot of the 
enemy. We followed then the rhumb N.E. by N. until we 
arrived at the port of St. Ives^ in England at the end of 
May, in lat. 50° 15' and long. 22° 40'. And one finds that 
the common chart makes the distance about 25 leagues^ of 
the great circle from the island of Pico to England, which 
is too far, and this is because of the equal degrees of the 
same chart, the which are in practice most false, and 

^ Neither Wyatt nor Dudley speaks so positively as this (pp. 63, 

- St. Ives in Cornwall, 50° 13' N ., 5" 29' W. ( = 23° i' from Pico). 

^ There is a great error here, due perhaps to a confusion between 
leagues and degrees. The real distance is al)out 28 degrees or 
560 leagues. 


cannot be made to agree well with the longitude treated 
in this Ruttier. 

The General took in this voyage nine vessels of the 
enemy, rich enough, wdiereof one was sent to the bottom, 
war being then declared between England and Spain. j 

The original of this Ruttier was found in the English 
tongue among the zvritings of the same pilot, Abram Kendal, 
when he died at Porto Bello in the Indies with Drake, then 
General of an English feet, in the year 1597.^ 

^ This is an error, which is corrected in the second edition of the 
Arcano del Mare ; the year should be 1 596 (see p. 14, note). 


Explanation by Sir Robert Dudley of maps xiii{here reproduced) and 
xiv of America in his '■'■ Arcano del Mare" vol. Hi, pt. ii, the 
former containing the coast of South America from the island 
of Margarita to the river Seawano, east of the Surinam, and 
the latter the coast of Guiana and Brazil from the Seazvano to 


This chart [is] of Guiana, and part of the coast was discovered 
by the author, as' appears in the first Portolano of the second 
Book, in the year 1595, which [chart] afterwards the said author 
caused to be printed at Florence in 1637,^ with the explanation, 
and dedicated it to the Most Serene Ferdinand II, Grand Duke 
of Tuscany, who now happily reigns, and the printer was Francesco 
Onofri. Arid to the said explanation he refers, adding only what 
follows, namely that the said chart begins with the Island of St. 
Margarita, in long. 327 and lat. 10° 35' north, where they get 
more and better pearls than anywhere else in the Indies ; and the 
same chart ends with the river Seawano on the coast of Guiana, 
in long. 337° and lat. 5° 50', of which coast the author writes of 
ocular knowledge, as by the said Portolano more plainly appears. 
And in this voyage the author made himself master of part of the 
Island of Trinidad towards Paracoa, in order to discover better 
the main of Guiana or Walliana (held then for a country and 
kingdom very rich in gold and in other commodities), especially 
by means of the great river of Orinoque, called by the Indians 
Worinock, although in its mouth, by reason of shoals, ships of any 
burden cannot enter, which prejudices much the enterprise of 

1 Nothing is known of this edition, which was evidently distinct 
from that in the Arcano del Mare, and was accompanied by ncre 
text. 1 he Portolano is printed here (p. 80). 


Guiana. And Guiana begins from the Cape of Paria and Strait 
of Calcuri (so named by the author, when he passed the same 
Strait), and the coast ends with the river Amazons, as one sees 
by chart xiv following. 

And at the said Cape of Paria issues the river Amana or 
Braha, as one of the seven mouths of the river Orinoque, named 
the seven Mouths of the Dragon because of the violence of the 
said river in time of floods and of the heavy rains which fall 
almost continuously in the months of June, July, and August and 
inundate all the country, which is low land, marshy and full of 
woods and of small rivers, and these last shift their channels 
every year, except the seven principal mouths as above. The 
tide near to the Cape of Paria will be at two hours and a quarter 
after midday ; and so through the Gulf of Caribes, in the which 
at Cape Curiapan, in the island of Trinidad, the current is strong, 
and it makes toward the gulf and by the small island called 
Diavolo, which is girt round by dangerous shoals. There vessels 
of high board pass the said Cape of Curiapan toward Paria, and 
they cannot return by the said Cape, but go out freely from the 
Ciulf of Caribes by the Strait of Calcuri near the Cape of Paria, 
the beginning of the mainland of the Indies. This may be seen 
better in the same chart xiii of America, in which chart, as being 
of large scale, one will see minutely all the perils of the rocks, 
shoals, and currents, with other necessary observations as to the 
winds and the air, the which is most healthy because of steady 
winds, except in the months of June, July, and August, when it 
rains almost continuously and the winds are variable, and because 
of the excessive heat and the great humidity of the coast the air 
then is unhealthy and produces malignant fevers, which kill the 
sufferers in short time ; and on that account they are called 
ephemeral, malignant, and pestilential fevers, and few survive 
them, letting blood being of no avail, but rather doing harm. 
And in that season the weather is very bad, because of tempests 
and great thunders and horrible storms at sea, called by the 
Indians orocani or nraca/n, which are very perilous in those seas 
in sinking vessels, although of high board and handy. 

The variation of the compass in this chart is one degree north- 
west, although the chart by an error in engraving makes it half a 
degree only. The people of that country are very bad and 
treacherous, so that one can put no trust in their courtesies, espe- 


cially those called Caribs, who eat human tlesh and flight with the 
other Indians to that end, and they are commonly more robust 
than the rest. 


This chart begins with the river Seawano, in long. 337°, and 
ends with Cape Palmas, about long. 347°, where disembogues the 
great river Maranghan ; and the coast there and the river Amazons 
are better revised in chart xv following. This chart, however, 
is to be trusted principally for the coast of Guiana, which begins 
with Seawano and ends with the Cape of the river Amazons, named 
Arowai^ : into which river Amazons entered Captain Richard 
Thornton, Englishman, commanded to those parts by order and 
at the charges of the Most Serene Grand Duke Ferdinand [I] 
his lord. 

The said Captain went and returned prosperously, and although 
he had never been in those parts before, nor yet in the West 
Indies in anywise, yet by means of the charts and instructions in 
the author's own hand he, by grace of God, achieved his voyage 
without loss except one man, who died of sickness. And he dis- 
covered the coast of Guiana more exactly than had ever before 
been done, and he discovered, moreover, the good port of 
Chiana,- which is a royal port and safe, the which was never 
before discovered by Christians in past times, and from there he 
brought with him five or six Indians to present them to their 
Highnesses in Florence, as he did, who were of those Caribs who 
eat human flesh. They died afterwards in Florence, the greater 
number of them of small-pox, which in them is more virulent than 
the plague itself, because in those countries they have no know- 
ledge of a like disease. One alone of them survived, who served 
afterwards in the court for some years the Prince Cardinal Medici, 
and learned- to speak the Italian tongue passably well. 

^ Cape Arowari, now called Cape do Norte. 

- Cayenne, where the French, under Laravardiere, had attempted 
to form a settlement in 1604, four years earlier (Mourie, La Giiyaiie 
Francaise, 1874, p. 172). Captain Robert Harcourt, who followed 
Thornton very closely, leaving England March 23rd, i60fy, reports of 
it : " At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any 
burden, which heretofore by Captain Lawrence Keymis was called 
Port Howard" {Relaiion^ 16 13, p. 22). 


This Indian of Chiana recounted ofttimes to the author and to 
others the fertility and richness of the kingdom of Guiana, and 
how he had been in the famous city of Manoa, metropoHs of the 
kingdom, and where their king resides, called Emperor because 
he has divers kingdoms under his sway ; and he said that the 
city was rich in gold and was situate nigh to a great lake, and 
that this city was eight days' journey distant from the port of 
Chiana, being that the Indians travel quickly afoot and make 
commonly fifty [Italian] miles a day and sometimes more. 

The same Indian said moreover that nigh to Chiana (which is 
a country of hills) was a mine of silver, very rich, which they call 
peroia, as also of base gold, called by them calcuri, with which 
they make certain images and half-moons for ornament. The 
above-named Captain Thornton said the same, and added thereto 
that the spiders of that country made silk, and that there was found 
rosewood (legno verzino) in good quantity, and wild sugar canes, 
white pepper, speckled wood (legno pardo), " pitta," balsam, cotton 
and miany other kinds of commodities, abundant for commerce • 
and, if the country might be well planted by Christians, the air 
was most healthy, and the entry of the port was convenient to 
fortify for the command of the port ; with other particulars of the 
country already printed by the author in 1637, as is said above, 
to which for brevity he may refer. 

The said Captain moreover recounted that, when he had dis- 
covered the river Amazons or Orelliano, in entering it he found 
a bore (bornea), so called in English and by the Portuguese 
macarea, and it is a dreadful tide and perilous in the days of the 
new and full moon, noted here in the said chart by the author in 
these words : " Beware of a bore at six hours and a quarter '' 
(Guardatevi da una Bornea a hore 6 e un quarto). And with 
these few words of warning the Captain saved his vessel, by grace 
of God, and the subjects of his Highness, as the same Captain 
testified to his Highness, and that without the warning inscribed 
in the chart he would have known nothing of such peril, there 
being few of such bores in the world; and that he would have been 
lost, if beforehand he had not been advised of the peril, and had 
not warped his vessel with cables in a safer position, so as to 
receive the bore with his prow, and thus the vessel did not founder 
but escaped that perH. From this example one may see how 
important are the warnings inscribed in the charts of the author 


for manifest perils, which in other common charts are not noted, 
seeing it was possible with three words of warning to save on 
divers occasions the vessel and her people. 

From the said river Amazons the said Captain Thornton coasted 
Guiana, witli the island of Trinidad, or the Trinity, and had great 
satisfaction in the truth and perfection of the author's chart, and 
above all in his instructions to begin his voyage in the best season, 
that thereby they might return all with good health, with good 
weather, and with favourable winds. He began his voyage from 
Leghorn about the month of September, 1608, and returned to 
the same port of Leghorn at the end of June following, 1609, 
or thereabout. 



Abreojos or Abrolhos, shoal of, near 
San Domingo, 67, 76, 89 

Amana, a branch of the Orinoco, 88, 
94. Sec also Mana. 

Amazons, river, 95 

Arara, copper or base gold, 65, 73 

Arawak language of Trinidad, vocab- 
ularies of the, xxvi, 65, 7^ 

Arcaiio del Marc, IJ , work by R. 
Dudley, Ix. 

Armago, Armaio, chief of a gold 
mine, 66 ; chief of Orocoa, 74, 75 

Armathases [sc. Armadas), 8, 9, 10 

Armathoes {sc. Armadas), 49 

Arowari, Cape, 95 

Asanaga, kingdom of, in W. Africa, 

Baboons (babions), 71 

Baker, Matthew, shipwright, invited 
to Italy, Ivii 

Balthazar, Baltizar, an Indian inter- 
preter, 37 ; treachery and escape of, 


Barbis or Barbas, Cape, in W. Africa, 

Barrow, , " Ancient" to R. Dud- 
ley, XX, 24 

Bear, the, R. Dudley's admiral, xix, 
3 ;/, 68, 80 

Bear's Whelp, the, R. Dudley's vice- 
admiral, xix, 3, 5, 68, 69, 80, 88 

Beauchamp, Lord. See Seymour, 

Bermuda (the Bermudes), 52, 53, 76, 

Berreo,orBerrio, Antonio de, Spanish 

Governor of Trinidad, xxiv, xxviii, 

70, 87 
Birds of the Orinoco, 38 
Blanco (Blanke, etc.). Cape, in W. 

Africa, 15, 16, 69, 82, 83, 85, 87 
Blount, Charles, Earl of Devonshire, 

Blount, Sir Christopher, ix 
Bordeaux (Burteus), 4 
Bore in the Amazons, 96 
Bourges, in Gascony, 5 

Bradshew, William, page to R. Dud- 
ley, bravery of, in action, xxxiy, 61 ; 
presented by Dudley with a gun, 62 

Braaha, Braha, a branch of the 
Orinoco, 66, 75, 94 

Braio, an Indian of Trinidad, 45 

Brest, English expedition to, in 1594, 

Cabota, a branch of the Orinoco, 74 
Cadiz, English expedition to, in 1596, 

Calcouri, Calcurcy, Cakuric, the 

Indian name for gold, 39, 44, 45, 

65, 78, 86, 88, 96 
Calcurie, continent of, the " main" 

so called by R. Dudley, 44 
Calcurie, straits of {sc. the Dragon's 

Mouth), between Trinidad and 

Paria, 48, 88, 94 
Calshot Castle, 3 
Cahtori, Indian name for gold (?), 

Caminha (Camena), in Portugal, 6 
Canary Islands, 15, 69, 82 
Cane-tobacco, in Paria, 48, 73 
Canter, Capt., commands R. Dudley's 

jiikemen, 24 
Canters, canthers, Portuguese tishing- 

boats, 15, 69, 83 
Capulia (jt. Capure ?), a branch of 

the Orinoco, 37 
Capulio, a foreland at the mouth of 

the Orinoco, 66, 74, 87 
Caracas (Cracos), 48 
Carao, in Trinidad, xxxii. Sec also 

Carao, Cape, in Trinidad, 85 
Caribes, kingdom of, 72 ; cannibals, 

and enemies tt) the natives of Trini- 
dad, 73, 95 
Caribia, people of, cannibals, 66 
Carowa, an Indian town in Trinidad, 

xxxii, 45, 46 
Carr, Robert, Earl of Somerset, Hi ; 

letter to, from R. Dudley, liii 
Cascaes (Cascales), in Portugal, 8 
Catwater, at Plymouth, 5 



fust wife of R. 
>f Thomas 

Cavendish, - 

Dudley, X 
Cavendish, Beatrice, wife 

l)L-nny. x 
Cavendish, Douglas, first wife of K. 

1 lakluyt, xi 
Cavendish, Thomas, the circumnavi- 
gator, X, xi, 32 
Cayenne (Chiana), in CUiiana, 95, 96 
Cecil, Sir Robert, letter to, from R. 

Dudley, xxxv ; letter to, from Sir 

W. Ralegh, xxxvi ; as ]'",arl of 

Salishury, xlvii 
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, tutor to R. 

Dudley, viii ; letter to R. Dudley, li 
Checo, Mount, iiee Monchique. 
Chiana. See Cayenne. 
Chirk, lordship of, bequeathed to R. 

Dudley, ix 
Clewer, or Cluer, William, evidence 

by, as to R. Dudley's birth, iv 

Cockeyne, , at Florence, xlix 

Combley, or Comley, Thomas, ix, 8, 

22 ; bravery of, in action, 60 
Conquirabia, in Trinidad, 87 
Copper ((7;'rt;-(z), found in Yguiri, 73 
Corpo Santo (Corposantie), or St. 

Elmo"s Fire, 55 
Corufia (the Groyne), 6 
Corvo (Corves, Cuervo), island ot, in 

the Azores, 56, 77, 90 
Counter-galliass, a ship invented 

by R. Dudley, liii, Iv 
Crale, , one of R. Dudley's com- 
pany, S 
Curiapan, Point, in Trinidad, 22, 70, 

74, 87, 94 ; called Punta de (lallo, 

Cyprian, Cape, in W. Africa, 1 5 

Daniell, Capt., 9 

Davis, Capt. John, eulogy of, by R. 

Dudley, xvi 
Denbigh, lordship of, bequeathed to 

R. Dudley, ix 
Denny, Thomas, married R. Dudley's 

wife's sister, x 
Desecheo (Zacheo, etc.), island of, 

near Puerto Rico, 52, 76, 89 
Devereux, Lettice, Countess of 

Essex, V. See also Dudley, Lettice. 
Devereux, Walter, Earl of Essex, v 
Devonshire, Earl of. See Blount, 

Diabolo, a rock off Trinidad, 35, 43, 

86, 94 
Direttorio Marittiiiio, work by R. 

Dudley, viii, Ixii ; quoted, xii, 


Drake, Sir Francis, xvi, xix, 12, 92 ; 

A. Kendall's opinion of, xvii 
Drury, Thomas, attempts to establish 
R. Dudley's legitimacy, xli ; death 
of, ii). ; C(jnvicted of fraud, xlvi 
Dudley, Alice, Lady, second wife of 
R. Dudley, xxxviii ; deserted by 
her husband, xlvii ; created Duchess 
Dudley, li 
Dudley, Ambrose, Karl of Warwick, 

iv, ix 
Dudley, John, vii 

Dudley, Lettice, Countess of Lei- 
cester, v-vii, ix ; Opposes R. 
Dudley's claim to legitimacy, xxxix 
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 
father of R. Dudley, ii-ix, xl-xlvi, 
I, 26, 28 
Dudley, Robert, life of, ii-lxvii ; date 
of birth, iii ; at Oxford, viii ; con- 
tract of marriage with F. Vavasour, 
ix ; marries — Cavendish, x ; 
administers T. Cavendish's estate, 
xi ; portrait of, by N. Hilliard, xi ; 
account of, by Sir W. Dugdale and 
A.. Wood, xii ; narratives of his 
voyage, xiii ; relations of, with Sir 
W. Ralegh, xxi ; letter to Sir R. 
Cecil, xxxv ; serves at Cadiz, 
xxxvii ; knighted, il>. ; marries 
Alice Leigh, xxxviii ; attempts to 
prove his legitimacy, ib. ; loses his 
cause, xlvi ; leaves England with 
Eliz. Southwell, xlvii ; goes to 
Florence, xlviii ; his license to 
travel revoked, ib. ; letter to Earl 
of Northampton, ib. ; his estates 
sequestrated, li ; sells Kenilworth 
to Prince Henry, ib. ; letter to, 
from Sir T. Chaloner, Iii ; proposi- 
tion of, for the bridling of Parlia- 
ment, //'. ; paper by, on naval 
supremacy, ib. ; ships invented by, 
liii ; letter to the Earl of Somerset, 
liv ; description of his " counter- 
galliass," Iv ; at Florence, Ivii ; 
builds ships for the Grand Duke, 
ib. ; builds a mole at Leghorn, 
Iviii ; takes the title of Duke of 
Northumberland, lix ; attempts re- 
prisals on English merchants at 
Leghorn, Ix ; manuscripts, etc., of, 
at Florence, Ixi ; his Direttorio 
Marittimo, Ixii ; his Arcano del 
Mare., ib. ; forbidden to go to the 
South Seas, i, 68 ; prepares for 
the West Indies, 2, 68 ; sails from 
Southampton, 3, 68 ; leaves Ply- 
mouth, 5, 68, 80 ; loses his pinnace 
and reaches Finisterre, 6, 68 ; 



misses a Spanish prize, 7 ; reaches 
Lagos Bay, 8 ; meets four EngHsh 
ships, 9 ; meets a lianjue of Wey- 
mouth, 10; driven under Tenerifte, 
II ; takes two carvels, 12, 13, 69; 
driven back to Palma, 14; makes 
for Cape Blanco and comes to Rio- 
dore, 15, 69 ; lands on the main- 
land, 16, 69 ; his carvels fight with 
French ships, 17 ; passes the Cape 
Verde islands and makes for Trini- 
dad, 19, 70, 84 ; skill of, in naviga- 
tion, 21 ; reaches Trinidad, 22, 70, 
85 ; enquires for a gold mine, 23 ; 
marches to the mine, 24 ; eulogy 
upon, 25 ; returns to his ships, 25 ; 
sets up the (Queen's arms, etc., on 
plates of lead, 26, 33 ; removes to 
Paracowe, 28, 70, 87 ; his good 
treatment of the Indians, 29 ; 
makes a "sconce," 29, 70; letter 
of, to Capt. Jobson, 31 ; sends 
away his carvels, 32, 72 ; refuses 
Spanish presents, 32 ; dealings of, 
with the Indians as to gold-mines, 
33 ; anxious to explore the Orinoco, 
34, 71 ; is dissuaded, and sends 
Capt. Jobson, 35, 73 ; confident of 
JoVison's return, 42 ; joined liy Capt. 
Popham, 43, 71, 75 ; treats with the 
Indians, 44 ; marches into the in- 
terior of Trinidad, 45, 71, 87 ; 
spares the native houses and goods, 
46 ; returns to his ship and leaves 
Trinidad, 48, 76, 88 ; makes for 
Puerto Rico and takes a prize, 48, 
76, 88 ; releases his prisoners and 
burns the prize, 50, 51 ; makes for 
Florida, 52 ; driven by storms, 53 ; 
reaches the Azores, 56, 77, 90 ; 
sails for England, and has a two 
days' fight with a Spanish galleon, 
57' 77> 91 > his " leading staff" 
broken in his hand, 60, 91 ; rewards 
the bravery of his page, 62 ; for 
want of powder leaves the enemy, 
63, 77 ; lands at St. Ives, 64. 77, 
91 ; took and burned nine Spanish 
ships, 77, 91 ; his own account of 
his voyage, 67-79 ; enumeration of 
the kingdoms on the main, 72 ; 
learns of a mine at Orocoa, 73 ; 
waits for Sir W. Ralegh, 75 ; 
Abram Kendall's account of his 
voyage, 80-92 ; makes himself 
absolute master of Trinidad, 87, 
93 ; names a river " Dudliano," 87 ; 
enters 300 miles williin Guiana, 87 
Dudley, Rol)ert,Lord Denliigh, death 
of, vii 

Dudliano, Rio, a branch ot the Ori- 
noco, so called by R. Dudley, 87 

Dugdale, Sir William, account of R. 
Dudley by, xii ; on the attempt to 
prove R. Dudley's legitimacy, 

£afu'i£, the, a pinnace, xix, 68 

Edward Bouachxiiturc, the, xvii ; at 
Trinidad, xxv 

El Dorado, capital of Guiana, 75, 88 

Elizabeth, (^Hieen, iii, v, xlv; forbids 
R. Dudley's voyage to the South 
Seas, I, 68 ; arms of, on plates of 
lead, set up in Trinidad, 26, 33 ; 
Dudley's account of, given to the 
Indians, 44 ; orders Dudley to ex- 
plore Guiana, 84 ; orders Dudley 
to attack the plate fleet, 89 

Erisa, Avice, godmother to R. 
Dudley, iv. Sec also Parker, Avice, 

Espichel (Pitcher), Cape, in Portu- 
gal, 8 

Essex, Countess of. See Devereux, 

Essex, Earl of. Sec Devereux, 

Ferdinand II, Emperor, recognises 
R. Dudley as Duke of Northumber- 
land, lix 

Finisterre, Cape, 6, 81 

Fire-flies in Trinidad, 25 

Flores (Flowers, Flores), island of, in 
the Azores, 56, 77, 90 

Florida, 52 

Flyboat (flibote), 7 

Flying-fish, 19 

Foulis, Sir David, letters to, from R. 
Dudley, Hi, Hii 

Frigate-birds (Fonados), 85, 90 

Friskhig., the, a pinnace, xix, 68 

Frodsham, Henry, witness in the 
case as to R. Dudlev's legitimacy, 
xli, xlvi 

Frodsham, Magdalen. See Salis- 
bury, Magdalen. 

Galicia (Calitie), in Spain, 6 
Galley-royal, a ship invented by R. 

Dudley, Hii 
Gallizabra, a ship invented by R. 

Dudley, Hii 
Gannet, pursues the flying-fish, 20 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, ship of, 

wrecked on Sable Island, 53 ; lost 

at sea, 54 
Gillingham, Thomas, wounded in 

action. 61 



Gold, supposed mine cif, in Trinidad, 
xxvi, 23, 24 ; mines of, rc[)ortcd by 
the Indians, 34; lircaslplates of, 34; 
■ alrurie, the Indian name for. 39, 
44, 45, 65, 78, 86, SS, 96 ; ore and 
melting-pots found at Carowa, 46 ; 
caliiori, the Indian name for (?), 70; 
mine of, at Wackerew in Seawano, 
73 ; mine of, at Orocoa, 73 ; cres- 
cents of, 74, 86, 96 ; nation powdered 
with, 77 
Granada (Clranado, Ciranata), island 

o{, 48, 76, 88 
Groyne, the {sc. Coruna), in Spain, 6 
Gualata, kingdom of, in W. Africa, 1 5 
Guiana, empire of, xxix, 71, 84, 87 ; 
maps of, by R. Dudley, Ixv, 93 ; 
voyage of Capt.'R. Thornton to, Ixv; 
different kingdoms of, 72 ; Waliamc 
the first kingdom of, 73 \ called 
Walliana, 84, 93 ; low coast of, 85 ; 
description of, 88 
Gurnard (Gurned) Bay, in the Isle of 
Wight, 4 

Hakluyt, Richard, married Douglas 
Cavendish, xi ; Voyages of, xiv, 67 

Hampton [sc. Southampton), 2 

Harper, Capt. , information received 
from, as to Guiana, 72 

Havana, 76, 89 

Henry, Prince of Wales, buys Kenil- 
worlh from R. Dudley, li ; paper 
on naval supremacy sent to, Hi 

Hilliard, Nicholas, portrait of R. 
Dudley by, xi 

Hispaniola, or San Domingo, island 

of, 76, 89. 

Horsey, Sir Edward, xli 

Howard, Charles, Lord Howard of 
Effingham and Earl of Nottingham, 
vi, xliv 

Howard, Douglas, ii. See also Shef- 
t'leld, Douglas. 

Howard, Frances, iii 

Howard, Henry, Earl of North- 
ampton, letter to, from R. Dudley, 

Ho'ward, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, 

Howard, Lord Thomas, xxxvii 

Hythe (Heeve), near Southampton. 2 

Indians, trade with R. Dudley at 
Trinidad, 22; good treatment of, 29; 
dealings with, as to gold mines, 33, 
44 ; sound alarms with a ' ' great 
pipe," 47; description of, by Dudley, 

70; use gold halt-moons for neck 

ornaments, 86, 96. See also Ar- 

mago, Balthazar, Braio. 
Inferno, Infierno, island of, off Puerto 

ilic, 76, 1 88 
I tit lit, the, a captured carvel, 69 

James I, resentment of, against R. 
Dudley, xlviii, Iii ; design of a ship 
offered to, by Dudley, liii 

Jobson, Capt. Thomas, ix ; R. Dud- 
ley's lieutenant, xix, 22, 23, 24, 28, 
29, 30, 49; with Sir F. Drake, 12; 
letter to, from Dudley, 31; sets up a 
plate of lead with the Queen's arms, 
etc., 33; sent to explore the Ori- 
noco, 35,73; crosses to the main, 36; 
description of the river, etc., 37 ; 
dealings of, with the Indians, 39 ; 
betrayed by his Indian interpreter, 
40 ; difficulties of, on his return, 41, 
42 ; reaches the ship, 43 ; com- 
mands the van in the march across 
Trinidad, 45 ; prepares the ship for 
action, 58 ; post of, in action, 61 ; 
quotes the Spanish Traxedie, 62 

Jones, Owen, evidence of, as to R. 
Dudley's birth, vii, xlii, xlvi 

Julio, Dr., physician to the Earl or 
Leicester, iv 

Kendall, Abraham or Abram, teaches 
R. Dudley navigation, xiii ; account 
of, xv-xviii ; opinion by, of Sir F. 
Drake, xvii; invents the seven "sym- 
metries", Ixi ; master of the Bear, 
14. 44, 70, 76 ; opposes Dudley's ex- 
ploring the Orinoco, 34 ; gives the 
boat expedition up for lost, 42; skill 
of, in navigation, 52 ; fear of his 
villany, 73 ; narrative by, of Dud- 
ley's voyage, xv, 80-92; death of, 92 

Kenilworth castle, etc., bequeathed 
to R. Dudley, ix ; sold to Prince 
Henry, li 

Labrador, or Nova Francia, 53 

Lagos (Lawgust), Bay of, in Portugal, 

Lead, plates of, with the Queen's 
arms, set up in Trinidad, 26, 33 

Lee, Sir Henry, iv 

Leghorn, mole built by R. Dudley 
at, Iviii ; reprisals on English mer- 
chants at, Ix 

Leicester, Countess of. See Dudley, 

Leicester, Earl of. See Dudley, 
Robert ; Sidney, Robert. 



Leigh, Alice, seccjnd wife of K. 
Dudley, x, xxxviii. See also Dud- 
ley, Alice. 
Leighton, Sir William, xlvi 
Lister, , made master of a prize, 

Lizards, in West Africa, i6, 69 
Loweco, an Indian town in Trinidad, 


Mana, a branch of the Orinoco, 65, 
74. See also Amana. 

Manoa, or El Dorado, capital of 
Guiana, xxix, 88, 96 

Marcasite, mine of, in Trinidad, 23, 
70, 86 

Margarita, island of, 49, 70, 93 ; 
pearl fishery at, 88 

Maria, a branch of the Orinoco, 66 

Marmosets, 38 

Mei-chant Royal, the, of London, xvi 

Mermaid, the, R. Dudley's rear- 
admiral, 3 

Mona, island of, near Puerto Rico, 
76, 89, 

Monchique (Mounte Checo), Sierra 
de, in Portugal, 8 

Monck, or Munck, Capt., commands 
the Bear's Whelp, vice-admiral, xix, 
68 ; returns to England with two 
prizes, 69, 88 

Mones, , English merchant at 

Florence, xlix 

Moroca, people of, cannibals, 65 

Morucca, kingdom of, 72 

Mountjoye, Staggs of, on the coast 
of Spain, 6 

Morris, , one of Dudley's com- 
pany, 8 

Navos, Cape, in Tencriffe, 82 
Nevill, Edmund, self-styled Earl of 

Westmorland, xlix 
Nonpareil, the, commanded by R. 

Dudley at Cadiz, xxxvii 
Norfolk, Duke of. See Howard, 

Northampton, Earl of. See Howard, 

Northumberland, Duke of, title of, 

assumed by R. Dudley, lix 
Nottingham, Earl of. See Howard, 

Nova Francia, or Labrador, 53 

Offington, CO. Sussex, R. Dudley at 
school at, vii 

Orinoco (Orinoche, Orenoque, Owri- 
noicke,Werinoca, Worinochc) river, 
66, 73, 74, 93 ; R. Dudley anxious 

to explore it, 34 ; boat expedition 

"P, 35. 73. 87 

Orocani, Indian name for storms, 94 

Orocoa, on the Orinoco, gold mine 

at, xxix, 73 ; Armago, captain of, 

74 ; distance of, from the coast, 75 

Ouro, Rio do, in West Africa, 83 

Palma, island of, 13, 14, 69, 82 
Paracoa, Paracowe, Parracow, in 

Trinidad, xxviii, 28, 30, 43, 45, 70, 

76, 87, 93 
Parakeets, 38 
Paria, famous for its tobacco, 48, 73 ; 

the high land of, 72, 75 ; peroia or 

silver found in, 73 
Paria, cape and strait of, 88, 94 
Parker, Avice, Lady, evidence of, 

as to R. Dudley's birth, xlii, xliv. 

See also Erisa, Avice. 
Parrots, 38, 71 
Pelican Bay, in Trinidad, so named 

by R. Dudley, xxvi, 22, 70 
Peregrine (al. Bear),\.hQ, R. Dudley's 

admiral, xix, 3 
Perota, silver, in Paria, 73 ; in (luiana, 

Philip of Spain, the, 49 
Phillips, , one of R. Dudley's 

company, 8 
Pico, island of, in the Azores, longi- 
tude reckoned from, 80, 90, 91 
Pitch, lake of, in Trinidad, 86 
Pitcher, Cape. See Espichel. 
Plymouth (Plimworth, Plimmouth, 

etc.), 3, 4, 5, 75, 80, 81 
Popham, Capt. George, joins Dudley 

at Trinidad, xxi, 43, 75; shows him 

the "discovery" of Guiana, 71 
Port Peregrine, in Trinidad, so 

called by R. Dudley, 28, 43 
Puerto Rico. See San Juan de 

Puerto Rico. 

Race, Cape, in Newfoundland, 90 
Ralegh, Sir Walter, reference to his 
Discoverie of Guiana, xiv, 72 ; re- 
lations of R. Dudley with, xxi ; 
sends Capt. Whiddon to Trinidad, 
xxv; Dudley waits for him at Trini- 
dad, 75 
Ratcliffe, Thomas, Earl of Sussex, 

Regard, the, a carvel taken as prize, 

Rich, Robert, Earl of Warwick, lix 
Riodore, in West Africa, 15 
Roca, Cape, in Portugal, 6, 82 

Rooke, , at Florence, xlix 

Roxo, Cape, in Puerto Rico, 76, 89 



Sabiota, a river at the mouth of the 

Orinoco, 66. See also Ciibota. 
Sable (Sabels) island, 53 
Sagres (Saker), Cape, in Portugal, 8 
St. Elmo's Fire (Santelmo), or Corpo 

Santo, 54 
St. Ives in Cornwall, R. Dudley lands 

at, 64, 77, 91 
St. Vincent, Cape, 8, 82 
Saker, a small cannon, Iv, 60 
Salisbury, Earl of. Set Cecil, .Sir 

Salisbury, Magdalen, born Frods- 

haui, witness in the case as to R. 

Dudley's legitimacy, xli, xliv, xlvi 
Salvages, one of the Canary Islands, 

Salvetti, Amerigo, Florentine Resi- 
dent in England, Ix 
San Antonio or Sant' Antao, island 

of, Cape \'erde, 19 
San Domingo or Hispaniola, island 

of, 76, 89 
San Giovanni Battista, ship l)uilt by 

R. Dudley in Italy, Ivii 
San Jose, town of, in Trinidad, xxiv, 

San Juan de Puerto Rico, island 

(if, 48, 49, 50, 76, 88 
Santa Cruz, island of, near Puerto 

Rico, 49, 76, 88 
Seawano, kingdom of, in Guiana, 

72 ; a gold mine at Wackerew in, 

73 ; river of, 93, 95 

Seymour, Edward, Lord Beau- 
champ, 1 
Sheen House, co. Surrey, R. Dudley 

born at, iii 
Sheffield, Douglas, Lady, mother of 

R. Dudley, ii-vi, xl-xlvi ; marries 

Sir Edvv. Stafford, vi, xl 
Sheffield, John, Lord Sheffield, ii 
Sheffield, Robin, R. Dudley so called 

as a child, vi 
Sherley, Thomas, x 
Sidney, Robert, Lord Sidney of 

Penshurst, opposes R. Dudley's 

claim to legitimacy, xxxix ; made 

Earl of Leicester, lix 
Silver (perota), in Paria, 73 ; in 

t'luiana, 96 
Simerones, of Trinidad, 71 
Sisargas Islands (Sysarck), in Spain, 

Somerset, Earl of. SeeCaxx, Robert. 
Southwell, Elizabeth, elopes with R. 

Dudley, xlvii ; her children by him, 

Sorama, in or near Trinidad, 36 
Southampton (Hampton), 2, 9 

S/'anish 'J'rai^edic, The, lines from, 
cjuoted during a sea-fight, 62 

Stafford, Sir Edward, marries Lady 
Shcllield, vi, xl ; deposition of, as 
1(1 R. Dudley's legitimacy, xlv 

Star Chamber, case in the, as to R. 
Dudley's legitimacy, xxxix 

Stoke Newington, co. Surrey, R. 
Dudley brought up at, vi 

Stone, - , at Florence, xlix 
'Sussex, Earl of. St'c Ralcliffe, 

Tacarao, a green stone in Guiana, used 

for a charm, 72 
Teneriffe (Tenerife), island of, 11,82 
Terceira, island of, in the Azores, 64 
Testigos islands, 88 
Thornton, Capt. Richard, voyage of, 

to Cluiana, Ixv, 95 
Tivitivas, kingdom of, in Guiana, 74 
Tobacco, 23 ; excellence of, in Paria, 

4!^, 73 

Tortoises on the Orinoco, 38 

Trinidad, arrival of R. Dudley at, 
xxiv, 21, 70, 84 ; claimed by him 
for England, xxvi, 26, 12, ; map of, 
by Dudley, xxvi, Ixv, 93 ; his deal- 
ings with the chief Indians, 44; his 
march across the island, 45, 71, 87; 
he leaves the island, 48,76; vocabu- 
laries of the Arawaks of, 65, 78 ; 
description of, 71 ; the Caribs ene- 
mies to the natives of, 73 ; a high 
land, 85 ; currents, etc. , on the 

Tuscany, Cosmo II, Grand Duke 
of, Ivii, Ixi 

Tuscany, Ferdinand I, Grand Duke 
of, receives R. Dudley at Florence, 
Ivii ; sends an expedition to Guiana, 
Ixv, 95 

Tuscany, Ferdinand II, opposes re- 
prisals on English merchants, Ix ; 
R. 'DwiWiiy^-i A?rano del Marc, etc., 
dedicated to, Ixiii, 93 

Ushant, island of, 81 

Vavasour, Frances, contracted to R. 

Dudley, ix ; marries T. Sherley, x 
Veriotaus (sc. Waraus ?), a tribe at 

the mouth of the Orinoco, 74 
Vincent, Capt., 24, 26, 29, 45 ; an 

"old and discreet soldier," 59; 

post of, in action at sea, 60 

Wackerew, in Seawano, gold mine 
at, 73 



W^aliame, kingdcjm of, inGuiana, 72 ; 
great wealth of, 73 ; gold mine at 
Orocoa in, 73 

Walliana, a name of Guiana, 84, 93 

Ward, Thomas, proctor, witness in 
the case as to R. Dudley's legiti- 
macy, xli, xlii 

Warwick, Earl of. Sec Dudley 
Amlirose ; Rich, Robert. 

Warwick, Leicester Hospital at, 61 

Wentworth, Capt., 13, 24, 29, 69 

Werindca, the Indian name of the 
Orinoco, 66 

Westmorland, Earl of. See Nevill, 

Weymouth (Waymoiith), 10 

Whales, abundance of, on the coast 
of Labrador, 53 

Whiddon, Capt. Jacob, sent to Trini- 
dad by Sir W. Ralegh, xxv 

Windebank, (Winnebancke), [Fran- 
cis], at Florence, xlix 

Wood, Anthony, account of R. 
Dudley by, xii, Iviii 

Wood, Capt. Benjamin, xx, xxxvii, 
8, 24, 31 ; made captain of a prize, 

Worinoche, Worinock, the Indian 
name for the Orinoco, 88, 93 

Wotton, Sir Henry, ambassador at 
Venice, xlviii ; character of, xlix 

Wright, , one of R. Dudley's 

company, 22, 26 

Wright, Edward, his Certaine 
Errors in Navigation quoted, xvii 

Wyatt, Capt., narrative of R. Dud- 
ley's voyage, xiv, 1-66; commands 
the " maine Imttle of pike," 24, 45 ; 
sets up the royal arms, etc., on a 
plate of lead, xxvii, 26 ; in charge 
of the forces on land, 29, 44; strict- 
ness of, to Spanish prisoners, 50 ; 
sets the Spanish captain on shore, 
52 ; an "old and discreet soldier," 
59 ; post of, in action at sea, 60 

Yguirie, kingdom of, 72 ; full of the 

metal arara, 73 
Yorke, Capt., at Florence, xlix 

Zacheo, Zechea, Zecchio [iC. Dese- 
cheo), island of, near Puerto Rico, 
52, 76, 89 






The Right Hon. The Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY. 
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1 The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., 

Ill his Voyage into the South .Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition of 
1622, and edited by Capt. C. R. D. Bethune, R.N., C.B. 

(First Edition out of print. See No. 57. J Issued for 1848. 

2— Select Letters of Columbus, 

With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans- 
lated and P:dited by R. H. Major. 
(First Edition out of print. See No. 43. ) Issued for 1849. 

3— The Discoverie of the Empire of Guiana. 
By Sir Walter Raleigh, Knt. Edited by Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, 

( Fiist Edition out of print. Second Edition in pirp'Tratiou.) Issued for 1850. 

4— Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595, 

By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's attack 

on Puerto Rico. Edited by W. D. Cooley. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 850. 

5— Narratives of Early Voyages to the North-West. 
Edited by Thomas Rundall. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 85 1 . 

6— The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, 

Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with 

the manners and customs of the people, collected by William Strachey, Gent., 

the first Secretary of the Colony. Edited by R. H. Major. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1851. 

7 Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America 

And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt, 
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited by John Winter Jones. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for id>^2. 

8— A Collection of Documents on Japan. 

With a Commentary by Thomas Rundall. 

( Out of print.) Issued for \%^2.. 

9~The Discovery and Conquest of Florida, 

By Don Ferdinando de Soto. Translated out of Portuguese bv Richard 
Hakluyt ; and Edited by W. B. Rye. 

(Out of print.) Issued for i^^"^. 

10-Notes upon Russia, 

Benig a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum 
Muscoviticarum Comnientarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herberstein, 
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, 
m the years 15 17 and 1526. Two Volumes. Translated and Edited by 
R. H. Major. Vol. i. 

(Otit of print.) Issued for 1853. 

11— The Geography of Hudson's Bay, 

Bemg the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality, 
between the years 1727 and 1 75 1. With Extracts from the Log of Captain 
Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in 
H.M.S. "Furnace," in 1741-2. Edited by John Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A. 

Issued for 1854. 

12— Notes upon Russia. 

Vol.2. (Out of print.) Issued for 18^4. 

13— Three Voyages by the North-East, 

Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch m the years 1594, 1595 

and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in 

Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de Veer. 

Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A. 

(See also No. 54.^ Issued for 1855. 

14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and 
the Situation Thereof. 

Compiled by the Padre Juan Gonzalez de JMendoza. Reprinted from the 

Early Translation of R. Parke, and Edited by Sir George T. Staunton, 

Bart. With an Introduction by R. H. Major. 2 vols. 

Issued for 1855. 

16— The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. 

Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. Collated with an 
unpublished Manuscript of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. 
Edited by W. S. W. Vaux, M. A. Isstted for 1856. 


17— The History of the Tartar Conquerors who subdued China. 

From the French of the Ptne D'Orleans, 1688. Translated and Edited l)y the 
Eari. of Ellesmkkk. With an Introduction by K. H. Major. 

Issued for 1856. 

18— A Collection of Early Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland. 
Edited by AoAM White. Issued for 1857. 

19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands. 

From the rare Edition of 1606. Edited by Bolton Corney. 

{Out of print). Issued for 1857. 

20-Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 

Comprising "Tlie Russe Commonwealth" by Dr. Giles Fletcher, and Sir 
Jerome Horsey's Travels. Edited by E. A. Bond. 

Issued for 1858. 

21— The Travels of Girolamo Benzoni in America, in 1542-56. 
Translated and Edited by Admiral W. H. Smyth, F.R.S., F.S.A. 

Issued for 1858. 
22— India in the Fifteenth Century. 

Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century preceding 

the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope; from Latin, Persian, 

Russian, and Italian Sources. Edited by R. H. Major. 

Issued for 1859. 

23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 
In the years 1599-1602, with Maps and Illustrations. By Samuel Champlain. 
Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, with a Biographical 
Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. Issued for 1859. 

24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons 
During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries : containing the Journey of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; 
the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; 
and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuna. Translated and Edited by Clements 
R. Makkham. Issued for i860. 

25— Early Indications of Australia. 

A Collection of Documents shewing the Early Discoveries of Australia to the 
time of Captain Cook. Edited by R. H. Major. 

( Oiit of print. ) Issued for 1 860. 

26— The Embassy of Buy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, 1403-6. 

Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for 186 1. 

27— Henry Hudson the Navigator. 
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Edited by George 
Asher, LL.D. Issued for 1861. 

28— The Expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, 

In search of El Dorado and Omagua, A.D. 1560-61. Translated from the 

" Sexta Noticia Historiale" of Fray Pedro Simon, by W. Bollaert, with 

an Introduction by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for 1862. 

29— The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman. 

Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for 1862. 

30— Discoveries of the World 

From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio Galvano. 
Reprinted, with the original Portuguese text, and edited by Vice- Admiral 
Beth UN E, C.B. Issued for 1863. 

31— Marvels described by Friar Jordanus, 

From a parchment manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, in Latin. Edited 
by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Issued for 1863. 

32— The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema 
In Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc., during the Sixteenth Century. Translated 
by J. Winter Jones, F.S. A., and Edited by the Rev. George 
Percy Badger. Issued for 1864. 

33— The Travels of Cieza de Leon in 1532-50 
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of 
his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated and Edited by Clements 
R. Markham. Issued for 1864. 

34— The Narrative of Pascual de Andagoya. 

Containing the earliest notice of Peru. Translated and Edited by Clements 

R, Markham. Issued for 1865. 

35— The Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 

In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa. Translated 
from an early Spanish manuscript by the Hon. Henry Stanley. 

Issued for 1865. 
36-37— Cathay and the Way Thither. 
A Collection of all minor notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth 
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Two Vols. 

(^Out of print.) Issued for i866. 

38— The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher. 

With a Selection from Letters now in the .State Paper Office. Edited by 
Rear-Admiral Collinson, C.B. Issued for 1867. 

39— The Philippine Islands, 

Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century. 
By Antonia de Morga. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes, by 
the Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1868. 

40— The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes 
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to 
Honduras in 15-25-26. Translated from the Spanish by Don Pascual de 

Gayangos. Issued for 1868. 

41— The Royal Commentaries of the Yneas. 
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited by Clements 
R. Markham. Vol. i. Issued for 1^6^. 

42— The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, 

And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Gaspar Correa; accompanied 
by original documents. Translated and Edited by the Lord Stanley 

of Alderley. Issued for 1869. 

43— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New 
World. Translated and Edited by R. II. Major. 2nd Edition (see No. 2). 

Issued for 1870. 

44— History of the Imams and Seyyids of 'Oman, 
By Salil-Ilm-Razik, from A.n. 661-1856. Translated from the original 
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the 
Rev. Geukgk Percy Badger. Issued for 1870. 

45— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, 

Vol. 2. Issued Jor 187 1. 

46— The Canarian, 

Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402, 

by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and Jean 

le Verrier. Translated and Edited by R. 11. Major. 

Issued for 187 1. 
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Makkham, C.B. 

Issued for 1 8 72. 

48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas. 
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1872. 

49— Travels to Tana and Persia, 

By Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini ; Edited by LoRD STANLEY of 
Alderley. With Narratives of other Italian Travels in Persia. Translated and 
Edited by Charles Grey. Issued Jor 1873. 

50 Voyages of the Zeni 

To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century. Translated and Edited 
by R. H. Major. Issued for 1873. 

51— The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55, 

Amonej the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal, 

Esq., anc annotated by Sir Richard F. Burton. 

Issued for 1874. 

52— The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 

Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers. 
Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. 

Issued for 1874. 

53— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso DalboQuerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition ol 1774, 
and Edited by Walter de Gray Birch, F.R.S.L. Vol. i. 

Issued for 1875. 

54— Three Voyages to the North-East. 

Second Edition of Gerrit de Veer's Three Voyages to the North-East by 
Barents. Edited by Lieut. Koolemans Beynen, of the Royal Dutch Navy. 

Issued for 1876. 
55— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 2. Issued for 1875. 

56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster. 
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages preserved in the India Office, and the 
Voyage of Captain John Knight to seek the N.W. Passage. Edited by 

Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1877. 

57-The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., 
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593, with the Voyages of his grand- 
father William, his father Sir John, and his cousin William Hawkins. 
Second Edition (see No. i). Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., 

F.R.S. Issued for 1877. 


58— The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, 
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return 
to Europe in 1427. Translated by Commander J. BucHAN Telfer, R.N.; 
with Notes by Professor B. Bruun. Issued for 1878. 

59— The Voyages and Wori<s of John Davis the Navigator. 
Edited by Captam Albert H. Markham, R.N. Issued for x^l^. 

The Map of the World, A.D. 1600. 
Called by Shakspere " The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies." 

To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878. 

60-61— The Natural and Moral History of the Indies. 
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition 
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., 
F.R.S. Two Vols. Issued for i^-ji). 

Map of Peru. 
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879. 

62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 3. Issued for 1 880. 

63 The Voyages of William BaflRn, 1612-1622. 
Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1880. 

64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia 
During the years 15201527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated and 
Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1881. 

65— The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands. 
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited by General Sir J. Henry 
Lefroy, R.A., K.C.M.G. Issued for 1881. 

66-67— The Diary of Richard Cocks, 

Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622. Edited by 

Edward Maunde Thompson. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1882. 
68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru. 
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited by Clements R. 
Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1883. 

69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol.4. Issued for \^'i,-i,. 

70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies. 
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his 
Description of the East. Edited by A. C. Burnell, Ph.D., CLE., and 
P. A. TiELE, of Utrecht. Issued for 1884. 

72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, 

By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the first 

Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the 

Caspian Sea. Edited by E. Delmar Morgan, and C. H. Coote. 

Issued for 1885. 
74— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., 
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency in Bengal ; as well as on 
his Voyage out and Return Overland (16S1-1687). Transcribed fertile Press, 
with introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious 
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir H. Yule, K.C.S.I., 
R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. 1, The Diary. Issued for 1886. 

75— The Diary of William Hedges. Esq. 

Vol. 2. Sir 11. Yule's Exti;acts from L'npublished Records, etc. 

Issued Jor 1 886. 

76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, 

The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the 

Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited liy Alhekt Gkay, assisted by 

H. C. P. Bell. Vol. 1. Vol. 2, Part I. 

Issued for 1887. 

78— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 

Vol. 3. Su- H. Yule's Extracts from L ii]uiblished Records, etc. 

Issued for 1888. 

79— Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu. 

A Treatise descriptive of the ('.lobes constructed by Emeiy Molyneux, and 

-Published in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited by Clements R. Markham, 

C.H., E.K.S. To which is appended, 

Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England, 

And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century 

MS. Edited by James Gairdner ; with a Glossary by E. Delmar 

Morgan. Issued for 1888. 

80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, etc. 

Vol. 2, Part II. Issued for 1889. 

81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555. 
I. — Voyage of Uirich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai. II. — 
The Commentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Edited by Don Luis 
L. DoMiNGUEZ. Issued for 1889. 

82-83- The Voyage of Frangois Leguat 
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by 
Captain Pasfield Oliver. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1890. 

84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India. 

From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited by 
Edward Grey. Two Vols. Issued for ligi. 

86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus 

During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages 
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated and Edited by Clements 
R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1892. 

87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant. 

I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599-1600. II. — Extracts from the 
Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670- 1679. With some Account of the Levant 
Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by J. Theodore Bent, F.S.A., 

F. R.G.S. Issued for 1892. 

88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe and Captain Thomas James 

In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32; with Narratives of Earlier N.-W. 

Voyages. Edited by Miller Christy, F.L.S. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1 893. 

90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci 
And other Documents relating to his Career. Translated and Edited by 
Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1894. 



91— The Voyage of Pedro Sarmiento to the Strait of Magellan, 1579-80. 

Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by 
Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1894. 

92-93-94— The History and Description of Africa, 

And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. The Travels of Leo Africanus 

the Moor, from the English translation of John Pory (1600). Edited by 

Robert Brown, M.A., Ph.D. Three Vols. 

Issued for 1895. 

95— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 

Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. Raymond 
Beazley, INI. A., and Edgar Prestage, B.A. Vol. i. 

Issued for 1896. 

96-97— Danish Arctic Expeditions. 

Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; with James Hall's 

Voyage in 1612. Edited by C. C. A. Gosch. Issued for 1896. 

Book 2. Jens Munk's Voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619-20. Edited by 
C. C. A. Gosch. Issued for 1897. 

98— The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes. 
Translated and Edited by J. W. McCrindle, M.A., M.R.A.S. 

Issued for 1897. 

99— The First Voyage of Vasco da Gama. 

Translated from the Portuguese, with an Introduction and Notes, by E. G. 

Ravenstein. Issued for 1898. 

100— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 

Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. 

Raymond Beazley, M.A., and Edgar Prestagk, B.A. Vol. 2. 

Issued for 1898. 


1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 


Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A. 

Issued for 1899. 

3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana In 1594. 

Edited by Geo. Y. Warner, M.A., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of 
Manuscripts, British Museum. Issued for 1899. 



The Journeys of William of Rubruck and John of Pian de Carpine to Tartary 
in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. W. W. 


Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, with 
Notes, etc., by Everard F. im Thurn, C.B., C.M.G. 

The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex. Edited by 
E. G. Ravenstein. 

Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar, par le Sieur De Flacourt, 1661. 
Translated and Edited by Captain S. Pasfield Oliver. 

The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of Africa, in 

the years 1455 and 1456. Translated from the earliest Italian text of 

1507, and Edited by H. YuLE Oldham, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
The Voyages of the Earl of Cumberland, from the Records prepared by 

order of the Countess of Pembroke. Edited by W. de Gray Birch, 

LL.D., F.S.A. 
The Voyage of Alvaro de Mendana to the Solomon Islands m 1568. Edited 

by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil H. Thomson. 
De Laet's Commentarius de Imperio Magni Mogolis (1631), Translated 

and Edited by Sir Roper Lethbridgf, K.C.I.E., M.A. 
The Voyages of Willoughby and Chancellor to the White Sea, with some 

account of the earliest intercourse between England and Russia. 

Reprinted from Hakluyt's Voyages, with Notes and Introduction by 

E. Delmar Morgan. 
Dr. John Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia (1698). Edited by 

Arthur T. Pringle. 
The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second Edition 

(see No. 40), with added matter. Translated and Edited by A. P. 

The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and Edited by 

Major M. Nathan, C.M.G. , R.E. 
The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05 ; with his 

Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W. F. 

Sinclair, late I.C.S. 
The First English Voyage to Japan, 1611-14. Edited by H. E. Sir Ernest 

M. Satow, K.C.M.G. 



I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its 
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VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive 
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Abenlaro, The Right Hon. Lord, Longwoorl, Wincliester. 

Adelaide Public Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co. 

Admiralty, The (2 copies), per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode. 

Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, per Mr. Eccles, 96, Great Russell-street. 

Alexander, W. L., Esq., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B. 

All Souls College, Oxford. 

American Geographical Society, 11, ^Yest 29th-street, New York City, U.S.A. 

Amherst, of Hackney, The Right Hon. Lord, Didlingtou Hall, Brandon 

Antiga Casa Bertrand, Joso Bastos, 73, Rua Garrett, Lisbon. 
Antiquaries, the Societj^ of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. 
Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall-mall. 
Athenreum Club, Pall Mall. 

Baer. Joseph & Co., Messrs., per Messrs. Epstein, 47, Holborn Viaduct, E C. 

Bain, Mr., 1, Haymarket, S.W. 

Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W. 

Barclay, Hugh G., Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich. 

Barlow, R. Fred., Esq., 71, Marine Parade, Worthing, Sussex. 

Basauo, Marquis de, per Messrs. Hatchard, Piccadilly W. 

Basset, M. Rene, Correspondant de I'lnstitut de France, Directeur de I'Ecole 
superieure des lettres d'Alger, L'Agha 77, rue Michelet, Alger-Mu.stapha. 

Baxter, James Phinney, Esq., 61, Deering-street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 

Beaumont, Rear- Admiral L. A., 3, Sloane-gardens, S.W. 

Beazley, C. Raymond, Esq., 13, The Paragon, Blackheath, S.E. 

Belhaven and Stenton, Col. the Lord, R.E., 41, Lennox-gardens, S.W. 

Berlin Geographical Society, per Messrs. Sampson Low. 

Berlin, the Royal Library of, per Messrs. Asher and Co. 

Berlin University, Geographical Institute of (Baron von Richthofeu), 6 
Schinkelplatz, Berlin, W., per Messrs. Sampson Low. 

Birch, Dr. W. de G., British Museum. 

Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliff-place, Birmingham. 

Birmingham Old Library (The), Birmingham. 

Bodleian Library, Oxford (copies presented J. 

Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland, 10, Avenue d'Jena, Paris. 

Boston Athentcum Library, U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 

Boston Public Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 

Bowdoin College, Brunsvsick, Maine, U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 

Bower, Major Hamilton, per Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament Street 

Bowring, Thos. B., Esq., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W. 

Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., University Club, New York City, U.S.A. 

Brighton Public Library. 

Brine, Vice-Admiral Lindesay. 

British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown 

British Museum (copies j)i'esented). FDemerara' 

Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut-street, Philadelphia. ' ' 

Brodrick, Hon. G., Merton College, Oxford. 

Brooke, Thos., Esq., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield. 

Brookline Public Library, Mass., U.S.A. 

Brooklyn Mercantile Library, per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Brown, Arthur W. W., Esq., 37, Evelyn Mansions, Carlisle-place, Victoria- 
street, S.W. 

Brown, General J. Marshall, 218, Middle-street, Portland, Maine U.S.A. 

Brown, H. T., Esq., Roodeye House, Chester. 

Brown, J. Allen, Esq., J. P., 7, Kent-gardens, Ealing. 

Brown, J. Nicholas, Esq., per Messrs. Ellis & Elvey, 29, New Bond-st., W. 

Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island (H. L. Koopman, Librarian). 

Buda-Pesth, the Geographical Institute of the University of. 

Bunting, W. L. Esq., The Steps, Bromsgrove. 

Burgess. Jas., Esq., CLE., LL.D., 22, Seton-place, Edinburgh. 

Burns, J. W., Esq., Kilniahew, Dumbartonshire. 

Buxton, E. North, Esq., Knighton, Buckhurst-hill. 

Cambridge University Library, per Mr. Eccles. 

Canada, The Parliament Library, per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Cardiff Public Library, Cardiff (J. Ballinger, Esq., Librarian). 

Carles, W. R., Esq., British Consulate, Tientsin, China. 

Carlton Club, Pall-mall. 

Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland. 

Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, U.S.A., per Mr. Stechert. 

Cawston, Geo., Esq., Warnford Court, Throgmorton-street, E.C. 

Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., 40, Princes-gardens, S.W. 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester. 

Chicago Public Library, per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 

Christ Church, Oxford. 

Christiania University Library, c/o Messrs. T. Bennett and Sons, Christiania, 

per Messrs. Casselland Co., Ludgate Hill. 
Church, Col. G. Earl, 216, Cromwell-road, S.^Y. 
Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, LT.S.A. 

Clark, J. W., Esq., Scroope House, Trumpington-street, Cambridge. 
Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 1, Belgrave-road, Rathmines, Dublin. 
Colonial Office (The), Downing-street, S.W. 
Constable, Archibald, Esq., India. 

Conway, Sir W. Martin, The Red House, Hornton-street, W. 
Cooper, Lieut.-Col. E. H., 42, Portman-square, W. 
Copenhagen Royal Library, c/o Messrs. Lehman and Stage, Copenhagen, per 

Messrs. Sampson Low. 
Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Goito, 2, Rome. 
Cornell University, per Mr. E. G. Allen. 
Corning, C. R., Esq.jy^g^jg^j^^^j^ ^.j g^jtzgrland. 
Cormng, H. K., Esq. j ' ' 

Cortissoz, Royal, Esq., Editorial Room, Neio York Tribune, New York, 

Cow, J., Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath. 
Cruising Club, The, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C. 

Cunningham, Lieut.-Col. G., Junior U.S. Club, Charles-street, S.W. 
Curzon of Kedleston, Right Hon. Lord, Carlton-gardens, S.W. 

Dalton, Rev. Canon J. N., M.A., C.M.G., The Cloisters, Windsor. 

Danish Royal Naval Library, per Messrs. Sampson Low (Foreign Dept.). 

Davis, Hon. N. Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British Guiana. 

De Bertodano, B., Esq., 22, Chester-terrace, Regent's-park, N.W. 

Derby, The Earl of, c/o the Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley, Prescot. 

Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A. 

Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon. 

Dorpat University, per Herr Koehler, 21, Tiiubchenweg, Leipzig. 

Doubleday, H. Arthur, Esq., 2, Whitehall-gardens, S.W. 

Dresden Geographical Society, per Herr P. E. Richter, Kleine Briidergasse, 

1 1 , Dresden. 
Droutskoy Lubetsky, S.A.S. le Prince, Kovensky per. 2. St. Petersburg. 
Ducie, The Right Hon. Earl, F.R.S., Tortworth Court, Faltield. 


Eames, Wilberforce, Esq., Lenox Library, 890, Fifth-avenue, New York, U.S. A. , 

per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 
Edinburgh Public Library. 

Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High-street, Marylebone, W. 
Ellsworth, James W., Esq., 2, West Kith Street, New York, U.S.A. 
Elton, Charles I., Esq., Q.C., F.S.A., 10, Crauley-j)lace, Onslow-square, S.W. 

Faber, Reginald S., Esq., 90, Regent's Park-road, N.W. 

Fanshawe, Admiral Sir Edw., G.C.B., 74, Cromwell-road, S.W. 

Fellows Athenajum, per Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, & Co. 

Ferguson, D. W., Esq., 5, Bedford-place, Croydon. 

Field, W. Hildreth, Esq., 923, Madison-avenue, New York City, U.S.A. 

Fisher, Arthur, Esq., St. Aubyn's, Tiverton, Devon. 

Fitzgerald, Edward A., Esq., per Mr. Jas. Bain, 1, Haj'market, S.W. 

Foreign Office (The), per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode. 

Foreign Office of Germany, Berlin, per Messrs. Asher and Co. 

Forrest, G. W., Esq., CLE., Savile Club, 107, Piccadilly, W. 

Foster, William, Esq., Lidia Office, S.W. 

French, H. B., Esq., 429, Arch Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 

Georg, Mons. H., Lyons, per Messrs. Sampson Low. 

George, C. W., Esq., 51, Hampton-road, Bristol. 

Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall-place, S.W. 

Glasgow University Library, per Mr. Billings, 59, Old Bailey, E. C. 

Godman, F. Ducane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., 10, Chandos-street, Cavendish- 
square, W. 

Gosch, C. A., Esq., 21, Stanhope-gardens, S.W. 

Gosset, General M. W. E., C.B., Island Bridge House, Dublin. 

Gottingen University Library, per Messrs. Asher and Co. 

Grant-Duff, Rt. Hon. Sir M. E.,G.C.S.L, 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 

Gray, Albert, Esq., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W. 

Gray, M. H., Esq., India-rubber Company, Silvertown, 

Greever, C. 0., Esq., 1345, East Ninth-.street, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, U.S.A. 

Guildhall Library, E.C. 

Guillemard, Arthur G., Esq., Eltham, Kent. 

Guillemard, F. Henry H., Esq., M. A., M.D., The Old Mill House, Trumpington, 

Haig, Maj. -General Malcolm R., Rossweide, Davos Platz, Switzerland. 
Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, c/o Herrn Friederichsen and Co., Hamburg, 

per Messrs. Drolenvaux and Bremner, 36, Gt. Tower-street, E.C. 
Hanneu, The Hon. H., Holne Cott, Ashburton, South Devon. 
Harmsworth, A. C, Esq., Elmwood, St. Peter's, Kent. 
Harrison, Edwin, Esq., Church Gates, Cheshunt. 
Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts, per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 
Harvie-Brown, J. A., Esq., Donipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire, N.B. 
Haswell, Geo. H., Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, Birmingham. 
Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, 2, Carlton House-terrace, S.W. 
Heap, Ralph, Esci., 1, Brick-court, Temple, E.C. 

Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underhill-road, Lordship-lane, S.E. 
Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq., C. M.G., 24, Pembroke-gardens, Kensington. 
Hiersemann, Herr Karl W., 3, Konigs.strasse, Leipzig, per Mr. Young T. 

Pentland, 38, West Smithfield, E.C. 
HUl, Professor G. W., West Nyack, New York. 

Hippisley, A. E., Esq., c/o J. D. Campbell, Esq., C.M.G.,26, OklQueen-st., S.W. 
Hobhouse, C. E. H., Esq., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. 
Horner, J. F. Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somersetshire, jier 

Mr. J. Bain. 


Hoskins, Admiral Sir Anthony H., G.C.B., 17, Montagu -square, W. 
Hoyt Public Library, j^er Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand. 
Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner G., 1328, Uonnecticut-avenue, Washington, D.C. 
Hudson, John E., Esq., 125, Milk-street, Bo-ston, Mass., U.S.A. 
Hull Public Library (W. F. Lawton, Esq., Librarian). 
Hull Subscription Library, per Messrs. Foster, Fore-street. 

Im Thurn, E. F., Esq., C.B., C.M.G., 23, Edwardes-square, Kensington, W. 

India Office (21 copies). 

Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the (J. E. L. Pickering, Esq., Librarian). 

Jackson, Major H.M., R.E., 3, Ravelston Place, Edinburgh. 

James, Arthur C, Esq., 92, Park-avenue, New York, U.S.A. 

James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 268, Madison-avenue, New York. 

Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Johnson, General Sir Allen B., 60, Lexham-gardens, Cromwell-road, S.W. 

Johnson, Rev. S. J., F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport. 

Jones and Evans, Messrs., 77, Queen-street, Cheapside, E.C. 

Kearton, G. J. Malcolm, Esq., F.R.G.S., 28, Fenchurch Street, E.C. 

Keltic, J. Scott, Esq., LL.D., 1, Savile-row, W. 

Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., Netherhall, Largs, Ayrshire. 

Kinder, C. W., Esq., M.I.C.E., Tongshan, North China. 

King's Inns Library, Henrietta-street, Dublin. 

Kimberley Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., Strand. 

Kitching, J., Esq., Oaklands, Kingston Hill, S.W. 

Kleinseich, M., per Mr. Wohlleben, 45, Gt. Russell-street, W. C. (3 cnjne.t). 

Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw, Esq., 

Chairman of Library Committee). 
Leechman, C. B., Esq., 10, Earl's-court-gardens, S.W. 
Leeds Library, Commercial- street, Leeds. 
Lehigh University, U.S.A. 

Leipzig, Library of the University of, per Herr 0. Harrassowitz, Leipzig. 
Lewis, Walter H., Esq., 11, East 35th-street, New York City, U.S.A. 
Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville-place, N.W. 
Liverpool Free Public Library. 
Liverpool Geographical Society (Capt. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary), 14, 

Hargreaves-buildings, Chapel-street, Liverpool. 
Loch, Right Hon. Lord, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., 23, Lowndes-square, S.W. 
Loescher, Messrs. J., & Co., Via del Corso, 307, Rome, per Messrs. Sampson 

Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor-General, Penang, Straits Settlements. 
Logan, William, Esq., per Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament-street. 
London Institution, Finsbury-circus. 
London Library, 12, St. James's-square. 
Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, U.S.A. 
Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton. 
Lucas, C. P., Esq., Colonial Office, S.W. 

Lucas, F. W., Esq., 21, Surrey-street, Victoria Embankment, W.C. 
Luyster, S. B., Esq., c/o Messrs. Denham & Co., 27, Bloomsbury-square, W.C. 
Lydenberg, H. M., Esq., Lenox Library, Fifth Avenue, New York. 
Lyttelton-Annesley, Lieut. -Gen. A., Templemere, Weybridge. 

Macmillan & Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, per Messrs. Foster, Fore-street. 

Macrae, C. C, Esq., 93, Onslow-gardens, S.W. 

Manchester Public Free Libraries. 

Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle-street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 


Margesson, Lieut. W. H. D., R.N., Fiiulou Place, Worthing. 

Markharu, Vice-Admiral Albert H., F.K.G.S., 65, LiuJeu-gardeus, W. 

Markham, Sir Clements, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleston-squarc, S.W. 

Marquaiul, Henry, Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. 

Martelli, E. W., Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 30, Tremont- street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A., 

jier Messrs. Kegau Paul. 
Massie, Capt. K. H., R.A. 

Mathers, E. P., Esq., Gleualmond, Foxgrove-road, Beckenham. 
Maudslay, A. P., Esq., 32, Montpelier-square, Knightsbridge, S.W. 
McClyniout, Jas. R., Esq., 201, Macquarie-street, Hobart Town, Tasmania. 
Mecredy, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Stradbrook, Blackrock, 

Dublin Co. 
Melbourne, Public Library of, per Messrs. Melville, Mullen & Slade, 12, 

Ludgate-square, E.G. 
Meyjes, A. C, Esq., 42, Cannon-street, E.G. 

Michigan, University of, per Messrs. H. Sotherau & Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Milwaukee Public Library, Wisconsin, per Mr. G, E. Stechert. 
Minneapolis AthenKum, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C. 
Mitchell Library, 21, Miller-street, Glasgow. 

Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., per Messrs. Tiftanj', 221, Regent-street, W. 
Mitchell. Wm., Esq., 14. Forbesfield-road, Aberdeen. 

Monson, The Rt. Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Clarence House, St. James's, S.W. 
Morgan, E. Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland-gardeus, South Kensington, S.W. 
Morris, H. C. L. , Esq., M.D., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex. 
Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59a, Brook- street, Grosvenor square, W. 
Moxon, A. E.. Esq., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Sculdern, near Banbury. 
Munich Royal Library, per Messrs. Asher & Co. 

Nathan, Major, CM. G., R.E., 11, Pembridge-square, W. 

Natural History Museum, Cromwell-road, per Messrs. Dulau &: Co., Soho-sq. 

Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W. 

Netherlands, Geogi-ajjhical Society of the, per Mr. Nutt, 57, Long Acre. 

Nettleship, E., Esq., c/o R, S. Whiteway, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill, 

Newberry Library, The, Chicago, U.S.A., per Mr. B. F, Stevens. 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Scientific Institute. 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library. 

New Loudon Public Librarj"^, Conn., U.S.A. 

New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York (John C. Gulick, 
Esq., chairman of Library Committee). 

New York Public Library, per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 

New York State Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, Carey-st., W.C. 

New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison-avenue, New York 
City, U.S.A. 

New Zealand, Agent-General for, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co. 

Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts. 

Nijhoflf, M., per Mr. D. Nutt, 57, Long Acre, W.C. 

Nordenskiold, Baron, 11, Tradgardsgatan, Stockholm. 

North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A. [Station. 

Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micheldever 

North, Hon. F. H., C 3, The Albany, W. 

Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, per Mr. Cross, 230, Caledonian- 
road, N. 

O'Byme, P. Justin, Esq,, " British-Indian Commerce," 21, St. Helen's-place, 

Oliver, Captain S. P., Findon, near Worthing. 
Oliver, Commander T. W., R.N., 16, De Parys-avenue, Bedford. 

Omaha Public Library, Nebraska, U.S.A. 

Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus. C.B., F.R.S.,29,Connaught-sq., Hyde Park. 

Oriental Club, Hanover-square, W. 

Parmly, Duncan D., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York. 

Payne, E. J., Esq., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S., per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Bank House, Wisbech. 

Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster. 

Peek, Sir Cuthbert E., Bart., 22, Belgrave-square, S.W. 

Peixoto, Dr. J. Kodrigues, 8, Rue Almte. Comandar^, Rio de Janeiro. 

Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A. 

Petherick, E. A., Esq., 85, Hopton-road, Streatham, S.W. 

Philadelphia Free Library, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C. 

I 'hiladelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Poor, F. B., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. 

Poor, Henry W., Esq., per Messrs. Denham & Co., 27, Bloomsbury-square. 

Pope, Alexander, Esq., Methven House, King's-road, Kingston-on-Thames. 

Portico Library, Manchester. 

Pringle, Arthur T., Esq., c/o Messrs. G. W. Wheatley & Co., 10, Queeu-st., E.G. 

Quaritch, Mr. B., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies). 

Rabbits, W. Thos., Esq., 6, Cadogan Gardens, S.W. 

Raffles Library, Singapore, per Messrs. Jones & Evans, Queen-street, E.C. 

Raveustein, E. G., Esq.. 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W. 

Reform Club, Pall-mall! 

Reggio, Andre C, Esq., c/o Messrs. Baring Bros, k Co., 8, Bishopsgate-street 

Within, E.C. 
Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire. 
Richards, Admiral Sir F. "W., G.C.B., 34, Queen Anne's Gate, S.W. 
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, U.S. 
Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, U.S.A. 
Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut-street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 
Rockhill, The Hon. W. W., Department of State, Washington. 
Rodd, Sir Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G., c/o Foreign Office, Downing-street, S.W. 
Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandlung, Bonn. 
Rose, C. D., Esq., 10, Austin Friars, E.C. 
Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich. 

Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C. 
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham. 

Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile-row, W. {copies presented). 
Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Edinburgh (Jas. Burgess, Esq., LL.D. 

C.I.E., Librarian). 
Royal Societies Club, St. James's-street, S.W. 
Royal United Service In.stitution, Whitehall, S.W. 
Russell, Ijady A., 2, Audley-square, W. 
Rutherford, Rev. W. Gunion, D.D., Westminster School, S.W. 

Ryley, Mr^^FIoren^J? LL. A. , { ^^^'■'''^' Woodwarde-road, Dulwich, S.E. 

San Francisco Public Libi-ary, per Mr. G. E. Stechert. 
Satow, H. E. Sir E., K.C.M.G., 104, The Common, Upper Clapton, E. 
Saunders, Howard, Esq., 7, Radnor-jilace, Gloucester-square, W. 
Saxk-Cobukg and Gotha, H.R.H. the Reigning Duke of (Duke of Edinburgh), 

K.G., K.T., etc., c/o Col. the Hon. Sir W. J. Colville, K.C.V.O., Clarence 

House, St. James's. 
Schwartz, J. L., Esq., P.O. Box 594, Pittsburg, Pa. 



Science aiut Art l)e;i!U-tmeiit. S'HiMi Keiwiujjton. 

Si^awaiihiika Corinthian Yacht Club, 7. East 32ud-street. New York, U.S.A. 

Seymour, Vice-Ailmiral Sir E. H., K.C.H., 9, Ovington-square, S.W. 

Shettiehi Free Public Libraries (Samuel Smith, Esq., Librarian). 

Shield.s, Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 

Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. G. Law, Esq., Librarian), per Mr. D. Nutt. 

Silver, S. W., Esq., 3, York-gate, Regent's Park, N.\V. 

Sinclair, W. F., Esq., c/o Messrs. H. S. King & Co., Pall Mall, S.W. 

Smith, F. A., E.sq., Thorncliff, Shoot-up-Hill, X. 

Smithers, F.O.. Estj., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, Xew Broad-street, E.C. 

Sneddon, Geo. T., Esq., 8, Merry-street, Motherwell. 

Societa Geogratica Italiana, Rome. 

Societe de Geograi>hie, Paris, per Mr. J. Arnould, Royal Mint Refinery, Royal 

Mint-street, E.G. 
South African Public Library, per Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 65, Cornhill, 

Southam, S. Clement, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist.S., F.R.S.L., 

Elmhurst, Shrewsbury. 
Spriugtield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A. 

Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Mori-ow, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
Stanley, Right Hon. Lord, of Alderley, 15, Grosvenor-gardeus, S.W. 
St. Andrew's University. 

St. John's, N. B., Canada, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq., Chairman). 
St. Louis Mercantile Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-j'ard, W.C. 
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St. Martiu's-lane, W.C. 
St. Petersburg University Librarj', per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 
St. AVladimir University, Kief, i)er Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand. 
Stephens, Heurj- C, Esq., M.P., Avenue House, Finchley, N. 
Stevens, J. Tyler, Esq., Park-street, Lowell, Mass., U.S.A. 
Stevens, Son, & Stiles, Messrs., 39, Great Russell-street, W.C. 
Stockholm, Royal Librarj' of, per Messrs. Sampson Low. 
Stockton Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand. 
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hj^de-park. W. 
Stride, Mrs. Arthur L., Bush Hall, Hatfield, Herts. 
Stringer, G. A., Esq,, 248, Georgia-street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. 
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield-road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool. 
Sydney Free Library, per Mr. Young J. Pentland, 38, West Smithfield, E.C. 
Sykes, Major P. Molesworth, H.M.'s Consul at Kerman, Persia, i'«t Tehran. 

Tate, G. P., Esq., c/o Messrs. W. Watson & Co., Karachi, India. 

Taylor, Captain William R., 1, Daysbrook-road, Streatham Hill, S.W. 

Temple, Lieut.-Col. R. C, CLE., per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 

Thin, Mr. Jas., 54, 55, South Bridge, Edinburgh, per Mr. Billings. 59, Old 

Bailey, E.C. 

Thomson, B. H., Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Northampton. 

Tighe, W. S., Coalmoney, Stratford-on-Slauey, Co. Wicklow. 

Toronto Public Library. 1 -.t ^ « „ 

rr, i. T-- ■ -4- V per Messrs. Cazenove & Sou. 

Toronto University. J '■ 

Transvaal State Library. Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa, jier Messrs. Mudie. 

Travellers' Club, 106, Pall-mall, S.W. 

Trinder, H. W., Esq., Nortlibrook House, Bishops Waltham, Hants. 

Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Mount Vernon, Caterbam, Surrey. 

Trinity College, Cambridge, care of Messrs. Deighton, Bell & Co., per Messrs. 

Simpkiu, ilarshall & Co. (Enclo. Dept.). 

Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of, Tower-hill, E.C. 

Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros. & Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

Trotter, Coutts, Esq., Athenaeum Club, S.W, 

Triibner, Herr Karl, Strasburg, per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 

Turnbull, Alex. H., Esq., 7, St. Helen'.s-place, Bishop.sgate-street, E.C. 


Union League Club, Broad-street, Philadeljihia, U.S.A. 

Union Society, Oxford, per Messrs. Cawthorn & Hutt, 24, Cockspur-street. 

United States Congress, Library of, per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

United States National Museum (Library of), per Messrs. W. Wesley & Son, 

28, Essex- street, W.C. 
United States Naval Academy, per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 
University of London, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 37, Piccadilly, W. 
Upsala University Library, per C. J. Lundstrom, Upsala. 

Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Aldeuham Abbey, Watford, Herts. 

Vienna Imperial Library, per Messrs. Asher & Co. 

Vignaud, Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris. 

Wahab, Mrs., Knowle, Godalming. 

Ward, Admiral Hon. W. J., 79, Davies-street, Berkeley-square, W. 

Warren, W. R., Esq., 81, Fulton-street, New York City, U.S.A. 

Washington, Department of State, per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 

Washington, Library of Navy Department, per Mr. B. F. Stevens. 

Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. 

Watson, Commander, K.N.R., Ravella, Crosby, near Liverpool, 

Webster, Sir Augustus, Bart., Guards' Club, 70, Pall-mall. 

Weld, Geo. F., Esq., Quincy-street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 

Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian). 

Wharton, Rear- Admiral SirW. J. L., K.C.B., Florys, Princes-road, Wimbledon 

Park, S.W. 
Wildy, A.G., Esq., 14, Buckingham-street, W.C. 
Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A. 
Wilson, Edward S., Esq., Melton Grange, Brough, East Yorkshire. 
Wisconsin State Historical Society, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co. , 1 40, Strand. 
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul. 
Wright, John, Esq. , 2, Challoner Terrace West, South Shields. 
Wyndham, Geo., Esq., M.P., 35, Park Lane, W. 

Yale College, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen. 

Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A. 

Young, Sir Allen, C.B., 18, Grafton -street, W. 

Young & Sons, Messrs. H„ 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool. 

Ziirich, Bibliotheque de la Ville, care of Messrs. Orell, Turli & Co. , Ziirich, per 
Mr. D. Nutt. 

^*''^te^' ^-^^^^ 




202 Main Library 


1-month loans may &« ranewed by callino W2-3405 

lyear loaos may be rechargad by biingrng the books to the Circulation Desk 

Renewals and recharges may be matie 4 days prior to Ate date 


B 51984 -*<»ficEfcBY 

nv 1 9. 1984 




AUG 1 7 »304 



SEP 8 1984 


NOV 21 1984 

FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 1 /83 BERKELEY, CA 94/ . 









U.C. BhKKtLtT Lmnani